Egypt, revolution Keywords: January 25, Muslim Brotherhood Association, Freedom and Justice Party

Egyptians live by the parliamentary elections - the first democratic elections in the country's history. Several thousand candidates representing more than three dozen political parties of various persuasions - from communists to extreme Islamists (Salafists) - are competing for 498 seats in the National Assembly. All observers agree that the main faction in the parliament is claimed by the Freedom and Justice Party (PSU), created by the Muslim Brotherhood Association.

Our own correspondent in Cairo, Dmitry Vinitsky, met with the chairman of this political party, Mohammed Morsi, who in an interview with him outlined the principled positions of his organization on the most important domestic and international issues of concern to Egyptian society. We offer the reader this interview.

Question. The Freedom and Justice Party is a new party created just a few months ago. What is the size of the party today? Who do you think is your voter? How do you assess the number of Egyptians who are willing to vote for you?

Answer. The Muslim Brotherhood Association was founded in 1928. The group was primarily engaged in social, educational and cultural activities, as well as politics from the very beginning of its formation. Social work, work with the population was originally an integral part of the Association's activities. She immediately had a comprehensive approach, she did not have to invent anything and start working from scratch, we explained to people the peaceful meaning of religion. We implemented the principles of Islam in the lives of ordinary people. And these principles, applied in all areas of social construction, education, governance, politics and power, are sufficient to guide social groups and society as a whole. And history already knew such examples. This is the role the Association has played for 80 years.

In the period from 1928 to 2010, we had different stages of development. There were clashes between the Association and the authorities - both before and after the 1952 revolution in Egypt-that everyone knows about. Before the revolution, the contradictions were less acute than after it - during the times of Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak. Despite this, since 1979 the Association has been actively participating in the country's elections. In 1984, together with the Wafd party, we were partners, acting as a single list in the elections. In 1987, it partnered with the Al-Amal (Labor) Party and the Al-Ahrar (Free) Party. In 1995, the Muslim Brotherhood participated in the elections, but they were completely rigged. There was also fraud in the 2000 elections, but the Association still managed to win 17 seats. In 2005, as you know, the "brothers" won about 20% of the seats in the parliament, taking 88 seats. Then the 2010 elections were held, the results of which were again completely rigged. But then it came

"Islam is the solution" is one of the Muslim Brotherhood's campaign slogans.

January 25, 2011, and the revolution took place...

Already after the January revolution, on April 30, the Muslim Brotherhood announced the creation of its Freedom and Justice Party (PSU). In the new conditions of greater freedom, we immediately announced the creation of a political party, although the decision to form it was approved by the Shura Council of the Association back in 1986. At the same time, the Mentors ' Bureau, which is its highest executive body, was instructed to prepare the necessary documents to submit to the state authorities as soon as the appropriate conditions are created. Under the previous regime, of course, there were no such conditions, since the regime declared war on all those who disagree with it. All this continued until the "January 25 revolution", when the regime was overthrown.

Our party was created for political activity, to fight for power. Until then, the Muslim Brotherhood, as an Association, had not sought power. Now a special political structure has been created to gain power. The Association decided that the PSS will be independent in managing its affairs, in financial matters, in forming a political position - in everything related to political activities.

But here it should be noted that the party was created on the basis of a movement that is the locomotive of the development of society. Therefore, for the PSU, the Association will also be the basis and locomotive within society, because the party is only being formed, but it is being formed on the firm social basis of the Association. It gave the party all its founders-almost a thousand people. But not all the founders of the PSS are from the Muslim Brotherhood. About 90 people are Coptic Christians, and 12% of the total number are women.

The party is built on the foundation of the Islamic religion. And the main idea is a struggle for power.

The second goal is for society to consciously and voluntarily rely on the principles of Islam.

The Party and the Association share common goals, a common foundation, a common platform, and a common vision for the future. These four basic principles are one and unshakable for us.

Can there be any differences between us - between the Freedom and Justice Party and the Muslim Brotherhood Association-if we share these principles? Even though the party's position is independent, it can hardly be assumed that we will have serious contradictions. If there are any differences in approaches, we will announce them. But I want to assure you that such situations have never happened before. I would like to add that the party does not replace the Association, but focuses on political activities.

The party is still being formed. But the addition of new members is very active. Every day the number of our supporters increases. We don't even keep an accurate record of PSS members yet, so new members are actively accepted in the country's regions. We prepare party tickets centrally, and by the beginning of the election we will know the exact number of our supporters and members. We will announce this officially so that the public knows the scale of our activities.

Our party emerged during a very difficult period, when Egypt was on the verge of collapse. The situation is far from stable in the political, economic and social spheres. I would like to emphasize that the start of the PSA's activity took place during a very difficult period for the country.

We start our activities in conditions that cannot be called ordinary-almost immediately after the creation, we must go to the polls. Now there are new laws-on political activity, on parties, on elections, on electoral districts... The elections of each house of Parliament - to the People's Assembly and then to the Consultative Council-will be held in three stages. Then the Constitution will be developed, after which presidential elections will be held. Therefore, the party today, being at the stage of formation and having limited resources, is carrying out tremendous political work. However, the authority of the Association is very significant, and the PSS uses this weight.

The construction process of the party, according to our plans, should take-

The decision will be made within six months, i.e. by the beginning of the parliamentary elections. But the elections are about to start (November 28, 2011-editor's note*), so we are working in an accelerated mode.

Question. What are the main goals and objectives of the party? What is the program? What slogans will you use in the parliamentary elections - the first after the revolution on January 25?

Answer. The process of nominating candidates for the parliamentary elections began in early October. Such a plan is provided for in the Constitutional Declaration, which was adopted after the national referendum.

We are going to the polls with a coalition called the Democratic Coalition for Egypt. This is a political coalition that will become an electoral coalition in the future. It will have its own program based on an already approved Declaration. This document consists of several points that will form the basis of the general program not only of the Freedom and Justice Party, but also of other parties in the coalition.

We also have our own program, which sets out our approaches to political, economic and social problems. It also describes in detail the methods of our political work and our priorities. But the coalition will have a common program. It does not exclude, however, that candidates from political parties may have their own platforms. Of course, left-wing, liberal and Islamic parties will have their differences.

It is clear that our party is Islamic, and the whole world knows about our aspirations. The goal of the Muslim Brotherhood is for people to get real freedom, for power to serve their interests, because in Islam, the people are the source of power.

In our very structure, we practice democratic principles. Democracy in the Islamic sense is a shura (council). Therefore, we want real freedom, which will be based on Islam. Even 85 years ago, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, El-Banna, said that a person is born free and should live freely. Freedom is one of the precepts of Islam. We want the Egyptians to freely choose their leaders, so that the people are truly the source of power. This is democracy.

But all this must be within the framework of Sharia law. The Egyptian people - both Muslims and Christians-agree that the basic principles of Sharia law should be the basis for law-making. There are no contradictions within Egyptian society on this issue. But often, when people talk about the principles of Sharia law, people are mistaken, understanding them incorrectly.

Sharia law is only a general framework of life, but not a detailed one. As for the details, they should be determined by the people themselves and turned into laws with the help of parliament. The Egyptian Constitution as early as 1923 stated that the principles of Sharia law are the main source for lawmaking. These principles are stipulated in the Constitutional Declaration and will be incorporated in the new Constitution.

Egypt mainly belongs to the Islamic civilization, but this fact should in no case violate the rights of representatives of other religions. We stand for equal rights for all citizens, for truth and justice to prevail, which is the norm for Islam. The rule of law is also one of the principles of Islam.

There is no conflict in society over these general principles. A conflict arises when implementing these provisions. In fact, for 30 years, the former regime ignored the constitution, did not comply with it and changed it in accordance with its interests. The constitution itself is very important, but it is even more important that it is implemented by both the people and the authorities. If it is not respected, human rights are violated, people are humiliated, and the overall situation in the country worsens dramatically. This is what we have experienced in Egypt in recent years.

It is not yet clear how the parliament will be formed. The future of our coalition is not clear, whether it will continue as a parliamentary coalition. Because not always those who go to the polls together will remain a coalition in the future. We are pyta-

* Mohammed Morsi gave this interview to our sobkor in Cairo at the end of October this year (editor's note).

We need to create a real coalition that will remain united in both the parliament and the government. But we have not yet developed common criteria for our joint actions. Even before the creation of the party, we announced two things :the Association will not nominate presidential candidates, and also - we will participate in the parliamentary elections, claiming a maximum of 45-50% of seats, but based on the fact that in the end we will get at least 30% of seats. This is only if the elections are truly free and transparent. So, our goal is to get 30-35% of the seats in the parliament. To achieve it, you need to nominate more candidates.

Our party fulfills all the decisions of the Association that were made before the formation of the PSU, but directly relate to its functioning. Based on this, we do not have our own presidential candidate, and we will treat all candidates equally. But I do not rule out that at some stage of the presidential election we will consider the possibility of voting for any candidate.

All this will happen after the adoption of the new constitution. It is still difficult to say what it will be, and whether Egypt will be a parliamentary republic, where the role of the president is not so important. But if Egypt remains a country with a presidential form of government, then the Constitution must lay down certain rules and principles of its powers and functions. All this is currently under discussion.

As for the distribution of seats in the coalition when voting in a single list, this issue is still being discussed. It is rather difficult, considering that there are about 40 parties in the coalition.

Question. Do you think these elections will be held calmly, or there may be riots, as it was during the former ruling National Democratic Party (NDP)?

Who can provoke these riots?

Answer. Success in elections requires two components-voter turnout, as well as the implementation of necessary security measures. If a lot of people come to the polling stations, it will be impossible to intimidate them. In other words, voter turnout is a guarantee for real fair elections. This will prevent possible malicious intent.

As for security. The armed forces have clearly stated that they are able to provide security at the elections in cooperation with the police. Of course, the role of the police will be smaller, given the situation in the Interior Ministry after the fall of the regime. But I believe that the military can ensure order during the elections. In my opinion, if they provide 80-90% security, it will be a great success for today's Egypt, where the internal situation is far from simple.

Question. Public opinion on the future structure of Egypt and its constitution is divided. What should be the new constitution, what will distinguish it from the one that was in force during the Mubarak era? What are your main ideas for drafting the constitution?

Answer. We oppose any supra-constitutional laws. There are no superconstitutions anywhere in the world that are higher than the constitution. We are against making any decisions that are higher than the Constitution and that cannot be changed in the future. As you know, the previous constitution was abolished in the wake of the revolution. Then the people voted for the constitutional declaration in a referendum. And it is impossible to choose any supra-constitutional principles in circumvention of narodnaya volya. Because in this way, the population of the country is essentially deprived of the right to choose its own Constitution.

All political forces agreed that our state should be a modern, democratic, civil society-based State, where the law and the constitution prevail. As for the concept of "secular state", it was excluded from our joint documents.

We will adhere to these principles, no matter what commissions or coalitions we participate in. The most important thing we don't want to do is deprive our people of the opportunity to choose. As for the possible introduction of amendments to the Constitution, a detailed mechanism for this should be spelled out in the document itself, as is done all over the world. But even if amendments are made, the people should have the last word.

Question. Now the contradictions between secular forces and Islamic parties are particularly noticeable. In your opinion, does this pose a threat to the national unity of the country? Is there a danger of new interfaith confrontations?

Answer. I believe that the conflict between secular and religious forces is being provoked artificially. This exists, but not to the extent that this topic is discussed. Here, for example, are our Salafist brothers. They are not enemies of their country, they are just like everyone else, they wish it well. But, of course, they have little experience in political life. We have cooperation and coordination with them on some issues. This is normal practice. We do this not only as Islamists, but also as citizens of Egypt.

The contradictions between secular forces and Islamists are exaggerated, because there are no secular forces in Egypt in the Western sense. These principles cannot be implemented in Egypt. Egypt is a deeply religious society, both from the point of view of Muslims and Christians. Everyone here adheres to mo-

While a secular ideology exists only in the minds of a few, it is more of a theory than a practice. Therefore, most of the Egyptian political parties decided to unite and decided to form a coalition, the doors to which are open to all: Islamists, liberals, leftists and nationalists. In the future, none of the parties, including the Muslim Brotherhood, Wafdists, and others will be able to govern the country alone. It is extremely difficult to imagine that any one party will have a majority in the future Parliament.

The Egyptian people are still in a state of revolution and are ready to respond to the call of their leaders and take to the streets if necessary. But there are also serious threats to our revolution. In particular, these are the remnants of a mode that retains its capabilities. After all, many of those who manage the Egyptian infrastructure were members of the disbanded PDP. And this was the principle of the government - to take into the party all those who hold any outstanding positions, leaders in various fields. So far, we have removed only the main representatives of the regime. But as you can see, it is impossible to get rid of all the cadres at once, otherwise the state will collapse. Many businessmen, members of the security services, various corrupt officials who illegally enriched themselves under the former regime, and even criminal elements that the former regime used for its own purposes are still operating. All of them interact with each other to provoke anarchy in the country. And all this threatens the revolution.

In addition, foreign interference in our affairs threatens the revolution. The external enemies of Egypt were very surprised by our rebellion and the fact that Egypt has become so strong. Now they are making efforts to return everything that was before the revolution. Everyone was amazed when 20 million Egyptians took to the streets of cities, and among them were not only young people, but also old people and children...

The fastest way is to achieve real economic development and self-sufficiency in food.

Question. How do you see the role of the army after the transition of power to civilian leadership? Will it change radically from what it was before the revolution?

Answer. As stated by the military itself, they will retain a role only in terms of protecting the country. They will play a role in ensuring the country's security. The political role of the army will be inconspicuous. The army is one of the pillars of the state, as well as the judicial system, education, etc. Of course, the police should be responsible for ensuring internal security. But now the army has taken over this function. This is certainly very difficult, given that the army has neither the administrative nor technical means to do this.

The army guarded the revolution and successfully coped with this role. But at the end of the transition period, it will have to return legislative power to the parliament, and executive power to the President of the republic. After that, she will have to return to the barracks. The army should support the people, protect them in the external arena, especially taking into account that in the world it is now customary to speak the language of force. We have never heard from the military that they want political functions in the future. Thus, the army will be subject to the constitution and laws. We believe in it, and the army believes in it too.

Of course, we have comments on their activities. But we understand that the army does not seek to harm anyone. Just the capabilities of the army, the training of the military does not mean that they should rule the country. So they make mistakes. But this is unintentional and does not carry malicious intent.

We cooperate with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) in all matters, but we are also not experts and have no experience in running the country. But the fact that we are inside the society and know its problems helps us to cooperate until the country gets out of the crisis. There are such problems as demonstrations, the military fears for the state of the economy, security, and relations with the outside world, which must be preserved. That is, there are a lot of nuances in the management of the state. So they do their best. We don't cover up their mistakes, we always talk about them and correct them.

Of course, the transition period is always difficult for any State. Therefore, we are ready for problems to arise, but we want more positive solutions.

Question. How do you see the future of the Camp David agreement with Israel? What is your position on the gas contract with this state?

Answer. Our position on Camp David is as follows. Egypt is a large country with extensive ties, so it must comply with its international agreements. All these agreements were negotiated in the parliaments of their respective countries. But these agreements can be renegotiated. Not violated unilaterally, but revised.

When five Egyptian soldiers were killed on our border, we immediately stated our position - to investigate these violations. Israel has been violating these agreements for 30 years. Therefore, we want to find out why this happened and is happening. Anyone who violates the agreements must be held accountable, first of all, to the Egyptian Government and to the international community. As a result of these violations-

Egypt was damaged and Egyptian citizens were killed, so a thorough investigation is needed. We are not talking about declaring war or terminating agreements. Agreements must be respected, but they can, of course, be amended.

In particular, when we talked about the gas contract with Israel, we wanted the prices to correspond to international ones. This is a perfectly legitimate requirement. There were too many intermediaries between us, and as a result, only a small part of the proceeds from the sale of gas went to the Egyptian treasury. The agreement with Israel speaks, first of all, about a comprehensive peace in the region, which does not exist. Peoples have the right to self-determination, and the Palestinians are denied this right, they are not allowed to create their own State. All this violates the peace agreements.

You can't change the text of the holy scriptures only. As for interstate agreements, their text can and should be changed with mutual participation.

Question. How do you assess Moscow's position on the Arab revolutions? What would you say about Russia's role in the changing Middle East?

Answer. Russia is a great state, and I mean not only the military potential, but also the economic one. No one can ignore Russia's role in the international arena.

Russia is a component of the global balance, both militarily and economically. It balances other forces in the world. Russia has very advanced technologies and scientific activities. We would like to use all this in the interests of our country. Russia has agricultural resources and rich mineral resources, including huge gas reserves. He has extensive experience in industrial development, primarily military. Therefore, cooperation in the field of modern technologies and training of relevant personnel can be much more fruitful than we have now.

In the future, Egypt, in our view, should have balanced relations with the East and West. In the past, we have already suffered from the fact that at first relations were focused exclusively on the East, and then on the West, neglecting relations with the East.

In international relations, you can never rely on any one side. We believe that Russia plays an important role in the region and in the world as a whole, and we hope that this role will continue to grow. I would like Russia to listen more to the wishes and will of the peoples with whom it is developing relations. We want to build the same relations with the European Union, in particular in matters of trade and technological cooperation.

Question. What are the prospects for Russian-Egyptian cooperation, and in what formats can relations between the PSU and the Muslim Brotherhood develop with the Russian side?

Answer. We want to expand our cooperation. We want the Russian leadership to listen to us. We are ready to address Russian parliamentarians to explain our vision for the future of Egypt. The main thing is that information about us should come from us, and not from other sources that can present it in a distorted light. These sources may want to ensure that relations between Russia and the new Egypt do not develop and remain as weak. After all, we are not talking about a communist Russia, but about a democratic One with a developed parliamentary and state power.

We are ready to answer any questions about our political activities in the Parliament of the Russian Federation, and we are ready to tell you about our plans for peace and cooperation with other nations. We preach peace. And our willingness to defend our homeland does not mean that we are preparing for war.

D. I. VINITSKY, our sobkor in Cairo

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