Libmonster ID: UK-1373
Author(s) of the publication: DMITRY BONDARENKO


Doctor of Historical Sciences Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences

Keywords: African-Americans, African migrants, civil rights movement, fall of the apartheid regime, historical memory, cross-cultural interaction

In the 17th and 19th centuries, as a result of the European slave trade, large communities of descendants of people forcibly removed from Africa were formed in most countries of the New World. In particular, in the United States of America, African-Americans have long been an integral part of the country's historical, ethno-cultural, and socio-economic landscape, making up 12.6% of its population today (38.9 million out of 308.7 million people, according to the 2010 general Census).

Voluntary migration of Africans to the Western Hemisphere, including the United States, began around the same time as the end of the era of slavery - in the middle of the XIX century. However, it remained insignificant for a long time: a sharp increase in its scale did not even occur immediately after the adoption of the Immigration and Naturalization Act in 1965, which abolished immigration quotas for natives of non-European countries In the 1980s and especially in the 1990s alone, 1 By 2013, the number of African migrants reached 1.5 million, although even today they represent only 4% of the country's population born outside its borders.2

Migration to the United States is carried out from almost all countries in Africa. However, the main "donors" are still English-speaking countries and countries affected by civil wars - now or in the recent past. Nigeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Somalia, South Africa, and Liberia are home to 70% of African Americans.3


In the United States, there is not an "African diaspora", but separate diasporas - Nigerian, Ethiopian, etc. They are extremely heterogeneous and internally fragmented-ethnically, religiously, socially, and politically. At the same time, they partially overlap with each other (for example, on the basis of the ethnic, linguistic or religious community of migrants from different African States). There are many business, friendship, and sometimes family ties among their members; occasionally, they also show a pan-African layer of self - awareness, but more often, on the contrary, a narrow ethnic one. However, it is the country of origin that is the "anchor point" of the identity of most first-generation African migrants.

This fact is also extremely important for understanding the peculiarities of mutual perception of Africans and African-Americans.

African-Americans, despite regional differences, form a single ethno-cultural, including linguistic, community, self-determining on the basis of race. Accordingly, generalized images of "Africa", "Africans", and "African culture" that ignore the diversity of the African continent have formed in their minds as a kind of reflection of their own ethno-cultural integrity.

At the same time, African-Americans see themselves not as a "diaspora" seeking to find a niche in the already formed American society, but as one of its most important initial components. African-Americans, with the exception of a small number of intellectuals who are particularly active in cultivating an "African identity", do not personally associate themselves with Africa, but see themselves as authentic Americans, and the only ones whose ancestors became them against their own will.

Africans are clearly aware of themselves as migrants - people who have arrived in a foreign country and are trying to get used to it, adapt and integrate into society, one of the fundamental socio-cultural components of which are African-Americans. They draw the boundaries of their communities, first of all, not on the basis of race (and therefore at this level of self-identification they do not include all black people or even all Africans), but on the basis of national, as well as ethnic, linguistic, and religious; they do not include African-Americans

The research is carried out with the financial support of the Russian State Scientific Foundation as part of the scientific project N 14 - 01 - 00070 " African-Americans and migrants from Africa to the United States: Cultural mythology and the reality of relationships." When writing the article, we also used field materials collected in the framework of the RGNF research project N 13 - 01 - 18036 " Relations between African-Americans and African-American migrants in the United States: a sociocultural aspect of community perception."

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they are perceived as "a clearly defined ethnic group with a certain set of cultural norms and values" 4.

The fact that race can determine the status of members of a single society (and not colonizers and colonized), that racial division can be one of the foundations of its structure and serve as a prism through which the inhabitants of a country perceive everything and everything (and therefore can perceive Africans, African-Americans and Afro-Caribs as one group), it causes amazement and incomprehension among people who come to the United States from monoracic, in general, African countries.

Thus, there is no single "black community"in the United States. This fact may seem quite natural, but what is remarkable about it is that it contradicts the mythologemes and ideologemes of a number of powerful intellectual, cultural, educational, and political movements that have been spreading among black people on both sides of the Atlantic since the second half of the nineteenth century.

Garveyism, pan-Africanism, Negroism, Afrocentrism and other teachings of this kind have affirmed and continue to affirm the ideas about a single spiritual basis for all black people, about the special mental makeup and mentality of a black person, no matter where he was born, about a worldwide "black brotherhood" and the presence of common goals and tasks for all representatives of the "black race". their joint actions in a white-ruled world. However, after the creation of the State of Liberia by black Americans in 1847 and the end of slavery and the slave trade in the United States in 1865, and until very recently, the relationship between black communities in the two hemispheres was largely virtual: until the 1980s and 1990s, the influx of natives of Africa to America was small (as noted above), the reverse the flow was even weaker.

In this situation, and in the context of racial inequality in America, colonialism and neocolonialism in Africa, the idea of" black brotherhood " resonated in the hearts of many Africans and African-Americans - from high intellectuals to socially and politically active young representatives of the urban grassroots. When the real "meeting" took place, it turned out that over the centuries of separate existence between the black natives of the two continents, many deep differences of various kinds had formed.

For some-Africans who think of African-Americans as "just black Americans," and African-Americans who are not interested in their African roots - they seem insurmountable or don't even need to be overcome.

Others, on the other hand, are doing their best, like activists of some African migrant organizations and American charities, committed adherents of Afrocentric ideas - mostly African-Americans, but sometimes also Africans - and African-Americans who want to cultivate an "African identity".

At the same time, the lack of "black unity" does not mean that relations between African-Americans and modern migrants from Africa are bad, and in general they can hardly be described unambiguously, including because they are not quite the same in different educational and age groups, in megacities and in the hinterland, in the North and South. In the south of the country (which determined the geography and methodology of our research).

It is no coincidence that our African and African-American informants defined them in the widest possible range from "excellent" to "antagonistic". In the interval between them, such assessments of relations between Africans and African-Americans fit as, on the one hand, "good", "friendly", "generally positive", "normal, but not close", "more or less good", and on the other hand, as "not shining", "shallow", "cold", "apprehensive"," tense"," suspicious"," wary", based on" mixed feelings"," misunderstanding"," misperception"," prejudice "and"distrust".

Relations between African-Americans and Africans resemble the simultaneous attraction and repulsion of two magnets: both of them understand that among all the ethno-racial communities of the country, they (as well as black natives of the Antilles-Afro-Caribs) are the closest to each other (so much so that in the eyes of non-black Americans they often merge into one whole), they are aware of the presence of in a society for which racial division is paramount, but the multitude of social, cultural, and linguistic differences that are instantly revealed when trying to attract each other causes mutual repulsion.

According to a young Ugandan woman who works as a lawyer for one of the Af migrant organizations-

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ricky, " it is still very difficult for Africans to accept African-Americans. It is also important for African-Americans to accept Africans: many African-Americans see Africans as just foreigners."

Among the reasons that determine the truth of this statement, not the least place is occupied by the peculiarity of the perception of Africans and African-Americans of each other. Among the stereotypes of their mutual perception are many that are related to the present day and the experience of communication, which reveals deep differences between the cultures of black Americans and newly arrived Africans, which do not allow them to consider themselves parts of a single whole.

However, many aspects of their mutual perception are also related to the refraction of important events and phenomena of the past in the collective memory and reflection in the mass consciousness of African-Americans and Africans. This article is devoted to the study of those that relate to relatively recent history - the civil rights movement of black Americans and the victory over the apartheid regime in South Africa.


The article is based on the author's field materials. In 2013, with the support of RGNF, a group of employees of the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences started and in 2014 continued a socioanthropological study of mutual perceptions and relationships between black communities in the United States of America. To date, it has been conducted in 6 states (Alabama, Illinois, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New York and Pennsylvania) - both in a number of small cities and in large ones: Boston, Minneapolis, New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago.

In the first field season, the task was to identify the widest possible range of features of mutual perception and relationships between African migrants and African-Americans, which develop in different social contexts. The methods of structured, semi-structured, and unstructured interviews and observations were used to collect scientific material.

Project participants in various cities and states in two historical and cultural regions and four sub-regions of the United States - the Northeast (New England and Mid-Atlantic) and the Midwest (Northeast Central and Northwest Central) spent daily time in areas where African-Americans and Africans lived compactly. We met and talked with people from a wide variety of social backgrounds and groups, in particular, employees and visitors to the offices of non-profit organizations from among African migrants and African-Americans, black social activists, representatives of highly qualified professions (engineers, doctors, lawyers, school and university teachers), college and university students. Our interlocutors included employees and customers of" black " shops, hair salons and clubs, cafes and restaurants serving African cuisine, African food, clothing and souvenir markets, black parishioners of mosques and churches, etc.

As a result, interviews and interviews were conducted with natives of 22 of the 49 countries of Sub-Saharan Africa*, African-Americans, descendants of immigrants from Africa who emigrated to the United States from 5 Caribbean countries**, as well as residents of the United States of other origin*** who are somehow connected with Africans and/or African-Americans.

The main difference between fieldwork in 2014 was a shift in emphasis, if possible, from the widest possible geographical, social, and ethno-cultural coverage of respondents to a specific study of two well-defined, comparable small communities in northern Alabama (the Southeast Central sub-region, or Deep South of the South region). In other words, the study focused on the situation not in large cities, which are historically more cosmopolitan and tolerant in the Northeast and Midwest, but in small cities in the outback in the South of the country, from-

* Benin, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Guinea, Kenya, Liberia, and Mauritania. Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Sierra Leone, Togo. Uganda, Chad, Eritrea and Ethiopia.

** Barbados, Jamaica, Guyana, Haiti, and Trinidad and Tobago.

*** Arabic, Jewish, European, Indian, Chinese, Latin American.

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known for its conservatism and traditionalism.

Attention to the situation in small cities was also prompted by the desire to take into account the latest trend of African migration to the United States, which consists in the development of settlements of this scale by migrants who previously almost invariably preferred to settle in megacities.

The work was carried out in the congregation of the Im oratory, which consists almost entirely of poor and middle-educated African-Americans. The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the "black" area of The Hill in the eight-thousand-strong town of Guntersville, Marshall County, and the community of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, whose members (many workers in local poultry farms) come to the city of Huntsville for services and other events from different parts of neighboring Marshall and Madison counties.

According to the change in the object of study, the research methods were also adjusted. It was based on the desire to establish trusting relations with the members of the two communities. Therefore, the study participants refused to have extensive interviews recorded on a dictaphone according to a plan that was not hidden from the respondent and preferred conversations (however, often also lengthy), which could be correctly called semi-structured and unstructured interviews. They were recorded by hand, sometimes in the course of a conversation-interview, sometimes from memory at the end of it.

Much more importance than in 2013 was attached to the work by the method of observation, including the included one. The study participants did not miss any events in the churches of the communities studied, visited the homes of some of their members, and met with them in an informal setting in a cafe...

General impressions of what was seen, interesting details noticed, and characteristic opinions heard were also recorded later. In addition, the expositions of the city museums of Guntersville and neighboring Albertville were carefully analyzed in order to trace how today the historical memory of the past of the black population of the United States is formed by visual means and through it an idea of its place and role in American society is created not only in the past, but also in the present.

For the same purpose, the study participants visited the Martin Luther King Memorial in his hometown of Atlanta, Georgia-the unofficial "capital of the American South", one of the main centers of the civil rights movement of 1954-1968.

A total of 171 interviews and conversations of varying degrees of structure and duration (from a few minutes to 2 hours) were recorded during the two field seasons, 13 observations of events from the public and private lives of African-Americans and African migrants were made, and an archive was compiled that includes a variety of materials on the subject of research (advertising leaflets and business cards African restaurants and hairdressers, brochures of political and cultural organizations of African-Americans and Africans, prayer books of "black churches", museum booklets, etc., etc.) and 519 photos taken by the project participants.


The study is not yet complete, but in our opinion, the scientific data already obtained allow us to draw certain conclusions, in particular, about the role of historical memory in determining the characteristics of mutual perception of African-Americans and modern migrants from Africa to the United States.

First of all, it should be noted that people who have enough real knowledge of the history of Africa and Black Americans can be found almost exclusively among highly educated representatives of both groups studied. This applies to knowledge about one's own history and, especially, about each other's history. Many respondents who did not have a high level of education admitted to complete ignorance of the history of another black community.

This often causes mutual surprise and even resentment. For example, African-Americans do not understand how Africans can not know the history of slavery in the New World, and Africans, in turn, are upset by the ignorance of black Americans about the history of the struggle of African peoples with colonizers. Often, this situation is perceived by both Africans and African-Americans as eloquent evidence of the lack of a unified "black community", although some prefer to assume that this history is simply not taught enough in schools, and even see signs of improvement in the situation, in particular, the growing interest of African-Americans in the history of Africa.

It can be stated that the majority of both African-Americans and Africans do not have a complete understanding of the history, both their own and, especially, each other. Their historical consciousness, if we do not talk about highly educated humanitarians, is usually discrete: there is no place for history as a process, but there are several bright moments - the most important events or phenomena that shine like stars in the dark sky of the past. And these "stars", although they are united by the fact that they are all directly or indirectly related to the socio-political or spiritual opposition of blacks to oppression and exploitation by whites in Africa or beyond, can be different, or" shine " with different power for African-Americans and Africans. After all, "the relevance of an event is not due to the "historical past", but to the constantly changing present, which keeps in mind the most important facts of this event, its meaning. Thus, the "history of memory" analyzes the significance that the present attaches to the events of the past. " 5


Although many African-Americans today still feel that they are treated as second-class citizens in their home country, they recognize the obvious fact that they are not being treated as such.

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the fact is that in our time their rights and opportunities in society are incomparably wider than they were before - in the era not only of slavery, but also of racial segregation that replaced it. The reason for this is the victory of the civil rights movement of black Americans in 1954-1968, which gave our respondents, despite everything, to say :" I am proud to be black in America." In the longue duree perspective, this movement spans the entire period after the abolition of slavery in 1865, becoming a continuation of abolitionism.

Moreover, in a sense, as a struggle not only for formal but also for real equality, the movement did not end with the passage of the Civil Rights Act by Congress on April 11, 1968, but continues to this day. As Senator Barack Obama wrote at the time, " say that we are one people does not mean that race no longer matters - that the battle for equality has been won ... As much as I insist that the situation is better, I also understand this truth: better doesn't mean good. " 6

However, our older African-American respondents remember personally what is no longer possible to imagine: how they sat in restaurants in separate halls for black people, how doctors received them and white patients in different rooms, and how they went to special schools - for black children. Moreover, some of them themselves participated in the struggle for civil rights. But for most of our interviewees, the civil rights movement is already a " page of the past."

Educated African-Americans and recent migrants from Africa know the names of those who-each in his own way-fought for the rights of the black minority in the United States in the last third of the XIX -first half of the XX centuries: A. Crummell, B. Washington, M. Garvey, E. Muhammad, W. Dubois, J. Padmore. The "icons" of the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, such as R. Parke, A. Davis, and, in particular, M. L. King and Malcolm X, are known to almost everyone and are equally respected by representatives of both black communities, even to the point that some consider them, first of all, to be the most important figures in the world. turn of Martin Luther King, the most prominent personalities in American history.

The statement of an elderly African-American woman speaks very accurately about the significance for black Americans of two major figures in the history of the civil rights movement - such different personalities and ideologues who ended their lives in the same tragic way: "I think I always lived between Malcolm X on the one hand and Martin Luther King on the other. I think we black people in this country needed both of them, because we needed Martin to figure out how to negotiate political issues, and we needed Malcolm to channel our anger."

At the same time, some African-Americans believe that current migrants from Africa do not have the moral character to enjoy the benefits paid for by their suffering during the era of slavery and racial segregation. In the words of a young African-American, "fifty or sixty years ago, we were fighting for equality here, and they were standing on the sidelines."

An elderly African-American interviewee provided a historical rationale for the current situation: "When relations between blacks and whites were worse [than they are now], relations between Africans and African-Americans were also worse, depending on the financial situation of [one or another] African. I say this because the Africans who came here to study fifty or forty years ago mostly came from well-to-do families. They felt superior to African-Americans because it made no sense for them to identify with those whom the country they came to treated poorly or looked down on. So the Africans I met when I was a young student were very arrogant and not inclined to be friendly towards African-Americans, which is very different from what you see today and what you've seen in the last twenty years.

Thus, the arrogance of Africans was explained, firstly, by their better financial situation, and secondly, by the fact that this country is more likely to accept anyone of color than a black American. Even in the labor market. If you came from Nigeria or Jamaica and had a black quota job, you would rather hire a colored person from another country than an African-American. This is part of the legacy of slavery. This situation has created anger in the black American community. I think a lot has changed since then, because the situation in the country has changed. However, it still should not be presented in pink tones."

The fact that the situation really should not be idealized is indicated, for example, by the historical fact that-

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an accident that occurred in Washington in 2005.

The Ethiopian community appealed to the city administration with a proposal to give the part of the Shaw district in which it compactly lives the official name "Little Ethiopia". The administration was ready to grant the request, but did not dare to do so due to the active rejection of the project by the African-American community of Shaw, who previously made up the absolute majority of its population. African-Americans saw the Ethiopian proposal as an attempt to benefit (primarily from the increased commercial life in the country and the influx of tourists) for themselves in a country where it was basically possible for black people to do this not because they came from Africa recently and of their own free will, but because African-Americans provided this opportunity for their country. victory in the struggle for civil rights 7.

No matter how hard some of our respondents, as well as journalists, try to comment on this sensational case and similar ones as essentially an exclusively "economic issue", the socio-cultural component in it is undeniable. As a matter of fact, the organizers of the protest actions themselves directly admitted this in an interview with the press, speaking about the Ethiopians and their initiative, for example, as follows: "They' did not pay their dues'. Where were they during the 1968 uprisings? They are last-minute upstarts. What gives them the right [to declare the area "Little Ethiopia"]? Just because they opened their own stores here?"9. According to 10 respondents, even during the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections, when Barack Obama enjoyed broad support from African-Americans, some members of this community still did not want to vote for him, because his father was not a black American, but an African - Kenyan.

However, the frequent reproaches that African-Americans often throw at Africans for neglecting their struggle for racial equality are unfair and are explained by their ignorance of the fact that the African States that gained independence in the same years, and since their creation in 1963, the Organization of African Unity, have supported the civil rights movement of black Americans to the best of their ability.11 Once again, it is necessary to note how direct ignorance of history affects the interaction of African-Americans and Africans today.

African respondents, especially older ones, not only recall that they also fought for their rights-with European colonialists, not only respect the memory of black American rights activists, but also recognize the importance of the movement against racial segregation in the United States for themselves and the whole world: "Recent African immigrants understand that without the support of the United States, they will not be able to the civil rights movements of the 1950s and 1960s would have had little chance of survival in the United States. " 12 And "it was a struggle for the future of all humanity, not just Africa, not just African-Americans." That is, contrary to the opinion of some African-Americans, the history of their struggle for equality is not indifferent to migrants from Africa.

But, in addition to the general humanistic aspect, it is important for them to the extent that there is a racial layer in their collective identity - the awareness of themselves as representatives of a certain race. This layer undoubtedly exists, but it is also obvious that its place in the identity and consciousness of Africans is much more modest than that of African-Americans, in whose self-identification and self-consciousness the racial aspect is one of the most powerful dominants.


The history of Africa in the postcolonial period, i.e., during the last half-century, is very little known to most of our informants from both communities, in separate, unrelated fragments, and in the same way, in the same way, in the same way, in the same way, in the same way, in the same way, in the same way, in the same way, in the same

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almost always tragic*. However, almost everyone knows about the fall of the apartheid regime in South Africa in 1994.

The vividness of perception and acuteness of attitudes towards apartheid and the victory over it by both African-Americans and African migrants, of course, is partly due to the fact that, if we do not take into account the youngest respondents, we are talking about the history that was created directly in their memory, and therefore the mechanism for including these events in their historical consciousness and place The place they occupy in it is different from the way in which events of the more distant past are affirmed in it. In particular, it is natural to distort the historical perspective: events that a person was a contemporary of may seem more important to him than" the affairs of bygone days", although, from the point of view of the historian, this is not necessarily so.

Africans and African-Americans are united in their assessment of the fall of the apartheid regime in South Africa as a world-historic event. One African-American respondent recalled being in Africa that year - in Kenya and Tanzania-experiencing a sense of togetherness shown to him by local residents who were euphoric about the new opportunities they believed were opening up for all black people with the fall of the apartheid regime in South Africa.

Nelson Mandela is a man who is equally admired by respondents from both black communities. It is significant, for example, that the Sunday school manual of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, whose vast majority of members are African - Americans, mentions only one name in addition to the names of Jesus Christ and the apostles: "In history, personalities such as Nelson Mandela have shown that forgiveness of those who hate [you] is possible."13

However, the meaning of these phenomena - apartheid and the struggle against it-is not the same in the minds of representatives of the two black communities. For Africans, including those in the diaspora, apartheid has always been a general problem, not a purely South African one. An elderly native of Nigeria to the question: "In what situations can Africans from different countries feel exactly like Africans and unite?" answered: "When there was a crisis in Africa; especially, I remember, they united against apartheid."

And today, more than 20 years after the fall of the apartheid regime, the struggle against it is perceived by Africans as a page in the history of the entire continent, as a natural and integral part of the anti - colonial struggle of all peoples and countries of Africa-its triumphantly completed last stage.

African-Americans, while admiring the victory over apartheid as much as Africans, perceive it in a different way - not so much in a socio-political sense as in a racial one, which is more familiar and seems right to them in the light of their own historical experience of open inter-racial confrontation. For African-Americans, the coming to power of the black majority in South Africa in 1994 means, first of all, not the end of the struggle of the peoples of Africa for political freedom, but a very important, but not the last step on the way to the social and spiritual liberation of the entire black race.

The situation of black-and-white dualism is so organic for African-Americans, so necessary for them to maintain their collective identity, that it sometimes manifests itself in their minds even in a funny way. For example, although many African-Americans said they would like to visit different or even any African countries, one interviewee, a middle-aged and not very educated resident of the southern hinterland, said that she would like to visit South Africa, "because it has both black and white people, which makes it similar to the United States."".

Thus, the last event of the past, which is clearly imprinted in the historical memory and has taken a prominent place in the historical consciousness of Africans and African-Americans - the fall of the apartheid regime in the Republic of South Africa-seems to be perceived by them equally. And this is true from the point of view of the unambiguous positivity and emotionality of the assessments they give to this event. But in reality, these identical assessments are given from different positions, and they are filled with completely different historical and cultural meanings.

* * *

So, there are significant differences in the perception of the historical past, in particular, relatively recent, by African-Americans and modern migrants from African countries to the United States. Nevertheless, this statement does not remove the question of the existence in the minds of African-Americans and Africans of the concept of "black history" as a common history of all people and peoples whose roots are in Africa. And it is the answer to this question that is most important for understanding,

* Most frequently mentioned were Idi Amin's tyrannical rule in Uganda (1971-1979) and the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

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how much historical memory contributes or hinders the formation of the attitude of African-Americans and African migrants to each other as parts of a single whole - the "black community".

It is very characteristic that the main divide in this issue is not between African migrants and African-Americans, but between highly educated and highly cultured members of both communities and their less educated and cultured representatives.

Among the former, opinions differ: some respondents consider the "black history" to be a reality, while others consider it a fiction. Moreover, the views of those who claim that a single "black history" exists also differ. Some of them have an explicit or implicit idea of it as the antithesis of the history of "white"; for them," black " history is a history held together only by common suffering at the hands of whites, while for others it is based on the common origin of all black people from Africa, dating back to times much earlier than the appearance of whites on Black land on the continent.

Among the middle-and low-educated respondents from both communities who do not have a broad cultural outlook, in particular, residents of the hinterlands and poor areas of megacities, the prevailing opinion is that the history of Africans and the history of African-Americans do not form a single "black history": each community has its own history.

Not only the events of the past, but also the memory of them have an impact on the mentality and behavior patterns of African-Americans and Africans, on their mutual perception. Significant differences in the perception, assessment and significance of the same historical phenomena and events by African-Americans and recent migrants from Africa, as well as the lack of a sense of unity in the historical past for many of them, spiritually and mentally alienate them from each other, thereby contributing to the establishment of ambiguous, complex relationships between groups of the black population US$.

One of the central mythologies of ideologists of all trends of " black nationalism "is the postulate that everyone who has a black skin color and whose roots are in Africa is"brothers and sisters". Among our many respondents, there were those who agreed with this thesis. But to most African-Americans, and especially Africans, the postulate of the brotherhood of all black people seems to be nothing more than an ideological slogan, incorrect and even ridiculous.

As one of our respondents said, "I don't believe that we [Africans and African-Americans] are brothers and sisters simply because society classifies us based on skin color and because all black people suffer from some form of social discrimination. Just because all blacks have African roots doesn't make us brothers and sisters. Because brothers and sisters are the ones who take care of each other."

And the fact that black communities are both drawn to each other and repelled from each other, the differences in the historical memory of African-Americans and African-modern migrants in the United States play a significant role.

Author's photo

The author, who is the head of both RGNF projects, expresses his sincere gratitude to their performers, together with whom the field material was collected-A. E. Zhukov and V. V. Usacheva, friends and colleagues who provided invaluable assistance in organizing and conducting the study: M. Aleo, D. Ballard, K. Baskin, A. Blakely, I. Latufa, B. and K. Sorbo, H. Weaver, colleagues who participated in the processing of the field material-A. A. Banshchikova, O. V. Ivanchenko, P. A. Popov, and P. Stoller for sending reprints of their articles, and, of course, all informants who agreed to spend time openly communicating with researchers.

Dixon D. 1 Characteristics of the African Born in the United States; Terrazas A. African Immigrants in the United States; McCabe K. African Immigrants in the United States

Zong J., Batalova J. 2 Sub-Saharan African Immigrants in the United States -

Wibault M. 3 L'Immigration africaine aux Etats-Unis depuis 1965. Paris, Universite Paris I Pantheon-Sorbonne. 2005, p. 69 - 77; Capps R., McCabe K., Fix M. Diverse Streams: Black African Migration to the United States. Washington, Migration Policy Institute. 2012, p. 4; Zong J., Batalova J. Op. cit.

Foster K.M. 4 Gods or Vermin: Alternative Readings of the African American Experience among African and African American College Students // Transforming Anthropology. 2005. Vol. 13, p. 35.

Arnautova Yu. E. 5 From memoria to the "history of memory" / / Odyssey. A man in history. 2003. Moscow, Nauka Publ., 2003, p. 189. (Amautova Yu. E. 2003. Ot memoria k "istorii pamyati" // Odissey. Chelovek v istorii. M.) (in Russian)

Obama B. 6 The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream. Edinburgh, Canongate. 2008, p. 232 - 233.

Kedebe K.H. 7 Controversy over Legacy: Ethiopian Americans Transnational Place-Making Project in Washington, DC // Paper presented at American Anthropological Association 2011 Annual Meeting. Montreal, November 15 - 20, 2011.

8 См.: Crary D. Africans in U.S. Caught between Worlds // USA Today. June 16, 2007 - - 06-16-africanimmigrants_N.htm

Schwartzman P. 9 Shaw Shans "Little Ethiopia" // The Washington Post. July 25, 2005 -

10 Также см.: Williams // R. Barack Obama and the Complicated Boundaries of Blackness // The Black Scholar. 2008. Vol. 38, p. 55 - 61; Sundiata I. Obama, African Americans, and Africans: The Double Vision // African Americans in U.S. Foreign Policy: From the Era of Frederick Douglass to the Age of Obama. Champaign, University of Illinois Press. 2015. P. 200 - 212.

Mwakikagile G. 11 Relations Between Africans, African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans: Tensions, Indifference and Harmony. Dar es Salaam, Pretoria, New Africa Press. 2007, p. 126 - 131.

12 Также см.: Mwakikagile G. Op. cit., p. 19; Blyden N. Relationships among Blacks in the Diaspora: African and Caribbean Immigrants and American-Born Blacks // Africans in Global Migration: Searching for Promised Lands. Lanham, Lexington Books. 2012, p. 168; Agbemabiese P.E. 50 Years Between Martin L. King and Trayvon Martin: What are the Lessons Learned? - Dr.Martin_Luther_Kings_IconicDream_Speech_What_Are_the_Les sons Learned

13 The Improved Adult Teacher // Sunday School Quarterly of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Nashville. Vol. 51, 2014, N 3, p. 48.


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