Libmonster ID: UK-1576
Author(s) of the publication: T. L. LABUTINA

G. M. D. HOWAT. Stuart and Cromwellian Foreign Policy. New York. St. Martin's Press. 1974. 191 p.

The problem of England's foreign policy in the 17th century is one of the least studied in both foreign and Soviet historiography1 . The book by the English historian D. Howat2, a lecturer at G. Calham College, is one of the first attempts in bourgeois historiography to cover this issue in detail. The monograph is part of the five-volume Modern British Foreign Policy series, which covers the period from 1485 to the present. Based on the analysis of documents, memoirs and literature, the author examines the events from the accession to the throne in 1603 of the first of the Stuart dynasty, James I, to the end of the reign in 1688 of its last representative, James II. Howat pays special attention to Oliver Cromwell's foreign policy during the English bourgeois Revolution.

Before starting to study the relationship of England with other states during the reign of the Stuarts and under Cromwell, the author conducts a comparative analysis of the foreign policy of the English kings of the XVII century, trying to identify both its general and special features. He points out, for example, that "although the kings of England were rulers of the whole of Great Britain, their policy was essentially strictly English" (p. VI), since they ignored the interests of Ireland and Scotland. And only Oliver Cromwell sought to pursue a broader foreign policy. Another common feature, according to Howat, was that English foreign policy was "most closely connected with events in Europe" (p.VII).

Comparing the foreign policy of the Stuarts with that of the continental monarchs, Howat notes that of the 85 years of this period, England was at war for only 20 years, while other countries - 78. From this he concludes that England did not pursue aggressive goals, but adhered to a "defensive policy". The groundlessness of this thesis becomes obvious if we recall at least the history of Anglo-Dutch relations. So, in a relatively short period of time, England fought three wars with Holland, and the author himself confirms that these wars arose solely through the fault of England, which, fearing Dutch trade and maritime competition, did not allow the Dutch to enter the war zone.-

1 In Soviet historiography, this issue was covered only by S. I. Arkhangelsky in the chapters of the two-volume book "The English Bourgeois Revolution of the XVII century", Moscow, 1954.

2 G. M. Howat. From Chatham to Churchill. L. 1966; "Essays to a Young Teacher". Ed. by G. M. Howat. Oxford. 1966; A. Howat and G. M. Howat. The Story of Health. Oxford - L. 1967; "Dictionary of World History". Ed. by G. M. Howat. L. 1973; "Documents in European History, 1789- 1970" Ed. by G. M. Howat. L. 1973.

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In order to "prevent Holland from securing a monopoly on the world markets" (p. 5). Howat has to admit that England was very aggressive in doing so. The British Government's aggressive plans in the seventeenth century can also be judged by the nature of its colonial policy. However, this page of the history of the British Empire remains out of sight of the bourgeois historian, who prefers only to mention which colonies were conquered by England at that time, but does not mention the merciless struggle of the English colonialists against the native population.

The author's claim that the first Stuarts and Cromwell "did not pursue personal goals" in their foreign policy, but defended "the interests of the nation" is also very doubtful (p.11). However, Howat also repeatedly notes that the opinions of the king and his subjects, even on the question of which country England should oppose at one time or another, often differed significantly. It is also known that the sympathy with which James I treated Spain and Charles II treated France caused a serious distrust of the crown among his subjects. It is enough to recall the actions of Charles II, who received significant subsidies from the French king and carried out a pro-French policy in this regard to the detriment of the interests of the nation, to make sure that there can be no question of any "patriotism" of the kings.

Howat tries to approach the problem not unambiguously, but taking into account various aspects that influenced the formation of government policy, including such as trade interests and the desire to expand foreign sales markets. In his opinion, "none of the rulers ignored the fact of the influence of trade on foreign policy" (p. 5). Religious motives also had a great influence on the course of the government's foreign policy, according to Howat. For example, Protestant Cromwell advocated an alliance with Protestant countries, and Catholic-minded Stuarts (especially Charles II and James II) often pursued pro-Spanish and pro-French policies that went against the interests of the nation.

In the foreign policy of England in the 30s of the XVII century.:There are two trends. One of them, the Hispanophile one, was supported by the crown, the supporters of absolutism; the other, directed primarily against the rule of Spain in Europe, was supported by the developing bourgeoisie and the nobility. Thus, even on the eve of the bourgeois revolution, the question of the course of foreign policy was closely linked to the internal political struggle in the country. This is also acknowledged by Howat, who notes that "foreign policy has become an important aspect of the constitutional and political struggle" (p. 16). And the facts that he cites show that the foreign policy of the Stuarts often caused disapproval and even distrust of the crown. He suggests that" the cause of the difference between the Crown and the nation lay in the very nature of prerogative " (p.2): The Stuarts considered foreign policy their privilege, while the parliamentarians were of the opposite opinion. Disagreements between the legislative and executive branches on this issue influenced the Government's choice of policy towards other countries. It was not uncommon (as, for example, in the reign of Charles II) when Parliament refused to grant subsidies to the king if he independently made decisions on foreign policy issues.

Turning to the analysis of the foreign policy of the Republican government during the bourgeois revolution, Howat believes that the latter "did not make a special impression on the participants of the Thirty Years 'War" (p.47). Unlike Whig historians, who claimed that contemporaries saw the English Revolution as a "peculiar Islander event" caused mainly by "reasons unique to English society, such as the position of Anglicanism and the attitude of the Puritan gentry" (p. 49), Howat believes that the civil War was "an expression of indignation against absolutism and it was caused by those who disputed the location of wealth and property established by the royal bureaucracy" (p. 50). However, the author prefers not to disclose in more detail the essence of the revolutionary events that took place in the country.

In the foreign policy that Cromwell led, Howat sees primarily a reflection of the idea of Protestantism. Cromwell's main goal, according to the author, was to " strengthen Protestantism in Europe and achieve the consolidation of soy-

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for one that would challenge the Catholic powers " (p. 4). Howat believes that in principle this policy was not successful, since Cromwell's potential allies Holland and Sweden did not show the proper interest in creating such an alliance. Many European powers, although they officially recognized the English Republic, nevertheless treated it with hostility, fearing possible influence on its part and seeing it as a serious threat to the existing state system. Nevertheless, the republic managed to reach agreements with Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, and France. However, the author does not explain why countries that were by no means friendly to revolutionary England still established diplomatic relations with her. Howat sees this only as a personal achievement of Cromwell. In fact, to answer the question of why the republic received official recognition, it is necessary to take into account a number of circumstances. The economic power of England, its industrial and commercial development, the presence of a strong merchant and military fleet, the annexation of Ireland and Scotland to England-all this significantly increased its economic and political power and international weight. Of course, Cromwell's role in strengthening English prestige was great. Howat tries to identify the strengths of Cromwell's policies, but also points out his own shortcomings. So, he failed to complete the task he had begun-to create a Protestant union: he was forced to conclude an alliance with Catholic France. Despite this, Cromwell, as the author notes, "managed to raise the reputation of the republic to a higher level" (p. 81).

Considering the foreign policy of the last Stuarts, Howat draws attention to the fact that some of the political and economic successes achieved under Cromwell were also active during the restoration period. For example, the Navigation Act of 1651 was confirmed, the East India Company continued to operate, and Cromwell founded it in 1655. Council for Trade Affairs, expanded foreign trade. According to the author, Charles II's foreign policy was mainly limited to attempts to achieve a treaty with France, from which he received significant monetary subsidies. He managed to conclude a secret treaty with France in 1670. This treaty with a Catholic Power was detrimental to the Protestant nation. However, Howat justifies the king's action, believing that in doing so he managed to retain the throne and leave the Catholic brother James II as heir, who, according to the author, already "did not have time" to develop his own foreign policy course. His entire activity was focused on the internal affairs of the country and was limited, according to Howat, to "easing the situation of Catholics by legislative means" (p. 150). Considering that James II "neglected foreign policy" (p. 156), the author explains this by the relatively peaceful situation in Europe at that time, which allowed the English king to focus his attention on the internal affairs of the country.

Howat's attempt to analyze the factors that influenced the Government's choice of foreign policy, and especially its relationship to the internal political struggle, deserves attention. However, such a significant issue as the colonial expansion of England, which marked the beginning of the creation of the British Empire, remained out of his field of vision. In addition, he overly exaggerated the" patriotism " of the English kings, and the impact of the revolution and economic development in the XVII century on the country's foreign policy was considered too cursorily and superficially.

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