V. A. POGADAEV

PhD in History, University of Malaya (Kuala Lumpur)

Keywords: Malaysia, Anwar Ibrahim, Mahathir Mohamad, political struggle, Malaysian opposition, People's Justice Party

Malaysia's former Deputy Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, who rose to unthinkable heights thanks to Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in the early 1980s, was then thrown into the depths of suffering and humiliation by the same Mahathir and served more than five years behind bars. Many political observers were quick to expunge him from politics.

However, Anwar Ibrahim rose like a phoenix from the ashes, managed to unite the opposition and lead it close to victory, dealing a crushing blow to the ruling bloc.

But in the beginning, nothing foreshadowed such turbulent events.

ASSERTIVENESS AND EXTREMISM

Anwar Ibrahim, one of nine children in the family of Ibrahim Abdul Rahman, was born on August 10, 1947 in the small town of Bukit Mertajam, Penang State. His great-grandfather, a native of India, came to Malaya to work and married a Malay woman. Anwar's parents were not at all opposed to the ruling Union Party (which later became the National Front). On the contrary, both my father and mother were members of the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), the main component of the Union Party. My father was even a member of Parliament from OMNO in 1959-1969, and in 1964-1969 - Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Health.

Despite this, Anwar showed little interest in politics. At the Malay College in Kuala Kangsar ¹, where he entered in 1960, he was an exemplary student, interested in history and languages, and was proud that he was studying in the very institution that was created in 1905 for the children of the elite and which initially studied mainly the offspring of royal families ² (they are in Malaysia). - nine, of which the supreme ruler - the king-is elected every 5 years).

Observers have noted Anwar's interest in Islam, especially in its democratic direction, during this period. But Anwar did not openly express his views at that time: it was possible to lose the opportunity to study at an elite college.

All the hitherto hidden political talent and charisma of Anwar Ibrahim as a person was fully manifested when, after graduating from college, in 1967 he became a student at the University of Malaya, the only one then in the country, created on the basis of the famous University of Malaya in Singapore (now Singapore National University).

The situation at the university in those days was liberal. Students staged demonstrations and rallies. At the entrance to the library there is a "speaker's corner" - it was never empty. One by one, students took to the podium, delivering passionate speeches, not least among them was Anwar Ibrahim. ³ By 1968, Anwar Ibrahim was the first president of the United States. He was already the head of the National Union of Malaysian Muslim Students and the Malay Language Society of the University of Malaya, both of which were very combative in defending the interests of Malays.

The author of this article met Anwar Ibrahim, who was completing his university education, in 1970. Then, as part of a group of Soviet students, I came to the University of Malaya for an internship in the Malay language. The interest in Soviet students was huge, and the Malay Language Society decided to organize a forum "The Soviet Union Today". The hall, which could hold 300 people, was crowded. Among those present were well-known writers Usman Awang and Chris Mas (who later received the honorary title of National Writers), as well as the equally famous poet Abdul Latif Mohiddin.

Not only did they honor the forum with their presence, but also, as we learned later during the forum, Anwar Ibrahim. We tell you-

* The Union Party (finally formed in 1958), in addition to OMNO, included the Chinese Association of Malaysia and the Indian Congress of Malaysia. The National Front was created on the basis of the Union Party in 1970. Currently, it unites 13 parties.

Whether it's about life in our country, but I had a difficult question about Islam. We prepared well: we brought a huge photo album from the embassy, where there were pictures of Indonesian President Sukarno during prayer in a Moscow mosque, a richly published Koran in Tashkent, and other materials.

We felt that it was precisely on this issue that a heated discussion broke out, and our main opponent, as it is not difficult to guess, was Anwar Ibrahim, who fervently said, referring to international Islamic organizations, that Muslims in the USSR were being persecuted and were not allowed to freely express their faith.

It seemed that we had exhausted all the arguments, and then my colleague Tanya Dorofeeva rushed to the" embrasure " of the ideological discussion. She climbed up on the table and shouted, " Well, what vow do I have to make to make you believe us?"

It seemed to me that the sympathies of most of the students were on our side: not everyone liked the assertiveness and extremism of Anwar Ibrahim. A full - page article written by another student at the University of Malaya, Suleiman Masri, and published in the central newspaper Utusan Malaysia, also showed this. The article was titled " Russian Student: Are Muslims being oppressed? "That's not true!"⁴

The headline spoke for itself...

BY CAREER STEPS

While still studying at the university, Anwar attracted the attention of the leader of the ruling party, Prime Minister Abdul Razak (1970-1976). He mentioned him as a potential political leader and even suggested that his father send Anwar to study law abroad, meaning that when he returned, he would link his future political career with OMNO ⁵.

However, the young politician had his own plans. After graduating from the university in 1971, Anwar became head of Public Relations for a new youth organization, Generation of Muslim Youth Malaysia (ABIM), created with his participation on the basis of a group of members of the National Union of Malaysian Muslim Students (initially a total of 153 people).

ABIM was closer in its positions to the right-wing opposition Islamic Party than to the moderate OMNO. In 1972-1973, he was its general Secretary, and in 1974-1982, its President.⁶ At the same time, in 1972-1978, Anwar headed the Malaysian Youth Council, a body that coordinated the activities of all youth organizations in the country.

Anwar also gained international recognition. In 1973, he was elected a member of the Committee of the World Assembly of Muslim Youth and Executive Director of the International Federation of Islamic Student Organizations.

Under Anwar, the number of ABIM members increased to 35,000, and the organization was able to subordinate the student movement to its influence, including at the University of Malaya.⁷ And when, in 1974, students protested against poverty and hunger, protested against the demolition of squatters ' homes, and in defense of farmers who were losing their incomes due to falling agricultural prices, the authorities saw Anwar Ibrahim's hand in this and arrested him under the Internal Security Act when he went to the police to pay bail. for the arrested students (1500 people!)⁸.

This law, passed in 1960 against the insurgent Communist Party, allowed any Malaysian citizen whose actions threatened (or could have threatened) the country's security to be detained and held in prison for up to two years without trial. This was Anwar's first "prison sentence", and it lasted 22 months.

And here is a new turn in the political career of Anwar Ibrahim. Mahathir Mohamad, who became Prime Minister in 1981, invited him to join the OMNO in 1982. In his memoir, Home Doctor, however, he states that Anwar himself wanted to join the OMNO and spent several months trying to get a meeting with him.⁹ This version looks strange, because Anwar, as noted earlier, rejected such a proposal by Abdul Razak.

In the elections of the same year, Anwar was elected a member of Parliament and was already appointed Minister of Culture, Youth Affairs and Sports in 1983, Minister of Agriculture in 1984, and Minister of Education in 1986-1990. This is one of the most important posts in the government, a kind of "springboard" to the position of Deputy Prime Minister, which, in turn, opens up the possibility of becoming Prime Minister in the future.

Everything seemed to be going according to plan

the worked-out scenario. Anwar became Finance Minister in 1990 and Deputy Prime Minister in 1993.

Later, in his memoirs already mentioned above, Prime Minister Mahathir admits that it was a mistake on his part that he did not see through the true nature of Anwar, his ambition and desire for power in time.¹⁰ But then, in 1982, it was important for Mahathir to neutralize a charismatic and growing political rival outside the ruling coalition and, as the Chinese say, "strangle him in his arms." "I thought," he writes, " that his presence would be useful to OMNO, since he would no longer be able to act in politics outside the party."¹¹. It would be particularly dangerous, Mahathir admits, to allow Anwar to join the powerful opposition Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party.

Anwar quickly began to gain positions in the OMNO party (in 1984 he headed its youth wing, and in 1986 became the party's vice-president) and the government. Not to mention the popularity that he already had. Everyone hurried to pay their respects to the new favorite.

At that time, I was working in Kuala Lumpur as the second secretary of the Soviet Embassy, and I remember how many people came to congratulate him on the Open Day of the Muslim Breaking of the Fast, to his new, not yet fully rebuilt residence. Diplomats were no exception. I had to wait in line for a long time before I could shake his hand and congratulate him on the holiday.

At that time, the Russian-Malaysian Dictionary ¹², which I was involved in compiling, had just been published, and I brought it to Anwar as a gift.

Anwar accepted the dictionary. "Oh, I'm ready," he said, as if he was aware of the plans of our Russian Language publishing house.

Then I saw him at the opening of a book fair, where he talked about the need for every family to have a home library - at least two or three books to start with, and also at the Stars of Television concert at the Kuala Lumpur TV studio, where my seven-year-old daughter Anna frolicked with his daughter Nurul during a buffet break - now she has become an active politician and a possible successor to her father.

One of Anwar's most important efforts as Minister of Education was to introduce a standard pronunciation of Malay (similar to Indonesian). Teachers were retrained, new textbooks and tapes were published, and television announcers learned to speak in a new way.¹³

Later, however, this useful endeavor was abandoned when unexpected and dramatic changes occurred in Anwar's career. They came suddenly in 1998, as did the financial and economic crisis that in neighboring Indonesia cost President Suharto his seat, and in Malaysia led to the overthrow of Anwar Ibrahim from the political Olympus.

"NOT IN MALAY"

Prime Minister Mahathir has watched with dismay as Anwar has pushed for power, and as his popularity has grown at home and abroad. On October 6, 1997, Time magazine published a long article titled "Anwar and the Future of Asia" with a photo of Anwar Ibrahim on the cover. "Malaysia's No. 2 man is the star of a new generation of leaders, but will Mahathir give him a chance?" ¹⁴. In 1998, Newsweek magazine named Anwar Ibrahim "Asian of the Year." ¹⁵

All this changed Mahathir's attitude towards Anwar: "Meanwhile, Anwar's attempts to force me to leave became more and more obvious. Although I was not too concerned about this, our relationship became strained, and I began to doubt that he would be a good leader and my worthy successor. " ¹⁶ Mahathir points directly to Anwar's support from abroad. "No doubt the Americans thought he would be a better prime minister than I was," he writes in his memoir.¹⁷

And then there are the disagreements over measures to resolve the financial crisis. Anwar, who was also finance minister at the time, set out to follow the International Monetary Fund (IMF) program, one of the points of which was to stop state support for major projects that were the cornerstone of Mahathir's development strategy. If these recommendations were implemented, companies and banks close to Mahathir would be severely affected. The prime Minister refused the recommendations of the IMF and actively used the financial resources of the state to save private business. Unlike Suharto in Indonesia, he succeeded.

Serious disagreements with his deputy provided Mahathir with a favorable excuse to remove him. In mid-1998, Anwar Ibrahim was removed from all his posts and arrested on corruption charges on September 20, 1998. On the basis of these charges, he was brought to trial. But not only that, but also charges of sodomy - a serious and criminal offense in a Muslim country-were added.

In a pamphlet distributed at the time,"50 Reasons why Anwar Ibrahim cannot become Prime Minister", ¹⁸ he was blamed for every conceivable sin. Anwar had to serve more than five years behind bars for corruption (from April 1999 to September 2004).-

However, he was later acquitted in 2004 for lack of evidence.

The arrest and imprisonment of Anwar Ibrahim caused great dissatisfaction among the intelligentsia and followers of the reform movement he started, which was preached by the People's Justice Party, founded by his wife Van Aziza in April 1998. ¹⁹ In September 1998, from 30 to 100 thousand people demonstrated in Kuala Lumpur in defense of Anwar. The police were forced to use force to disperse the demonstrators - there were injured and arrested. At the same time, many were outraged not so much by the fact of Anwar Ibrahim's imprisonment, but by how dirty it was done and how ill-treated he was in prison - he was beaten (on September 29, at the first hearing in court, he appeared with traces of beating and bruises on his face), was not allowed to meet with his relatives, etc.

One day in February 2002, while visiting Muhammad Haji Salleh, a famous poet with the title of National Writer, in Penang, I noticed on the desk in his office a book called Malay Poetics, ²⁰ written as a gift to Mahathir, but never given to him. In response to my question, the famous poet said that he refused to give the book to the Prime Minister because of how rude he was to Anwar Ibrahim, not "in Malay". Malay culture aims at "amicable" conflict resolution, without loud scandals and hysteria.

A friend of mine, a professor at the National University of Malaysia, proudly told me how she helped her husband, a supporter of the People's Justice Party (PNS), to conduct pre-election campaigning in favor of the party. By the way, the NTC is a newcomer to the political arena-it immediately won 5 seats in parliament in the 1999 general elections. In the subsequent elections in 2004, when the passions around Anwar subsided, the party had more modest results: only one seat in parliament, which was won by its leader-the wife of the disgraced politician. By the way, the husband of a professor friend of mine also turned cold to the reform movement and no longer participated in the activities of this party.

In September 2004, Anwar Ibrahim was released from prison and was able to fully engage in party building and development of party tactics, although he officially took up only the post of adviser in it. He managed to reach an agreement with the two other main opposition parties in the country (the Democratic Action Party and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party) to present a united front in the 2008 general elections within the framework of the so-called People's Bloc. Although Anwar himself was not yet eligible for election as a former prisoner under the current legislation, he actively participated in the election campaign.

"POLITICAL TSUNAMI"

The election results caused a shock in the ruling elite. Observers called them a "political tsunami": for the first time in the country's history since 1969, the opposition performed so well - 82 seats out of 222 in the federal parliament (in the previous 2004 elections, the opposition had only ²¹ seats) and control over five states.!

Five months later, when Anwar was already eligible to run, his wife resigned as a member of Parliament from the Permatang Pah constituency, and in a by-election in this constituency on August 26, 2008, Anwar defeated a rival from the ruling bloc and became a member of Parliament, where he headed the opposition faction.

Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, who took over the government after Mahathir left in 2003, was forced to take responsibility for the weak performance of the government coalition and resign, not without pressure from the former Prime minister.

The successful performance of the opposition in the elections was made possible by the disillusionment of the electorate with the activities of the National Front government, which has ruled the country since independence in 1957, the attractiveness of the opposition's program and, undoubtedly, the charisma of opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim.

Mahathir, who retained his position in the country and acted

both directly and behind the scenes, he supported the incumbent Prime Minister Najib Razak, the son of Abdul Razak, the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, thanks to whom the disgraced Mahathir returned to politics. To do this, Mahathir even reinstated his membership in OMNO, which he left during the rule of Abdullah Badawi as a sign of disagreement with his policies, and approved of Najib's "One Malaysia" policy, designed to unite all national communities around the ruling bloc and neutralize the influence of the opposition. ²²

The period leading up to the next election was not easy for Anwar Ibrahim either. Unexpectedly, on June 29, 2008, a new accusation of sodomy followed. This time, the prosecutor was his own assistant, 23-year-old Sayful Muhammad Azlan.

The circumstances of the case are very contradictory. It is alleged that before suing his former boss (on the third day after the alleged incident), the assistant met with government officials and personally with Najib Razak, who was then still Deputy Prime Minister.²³ This immediately gave the case the character of a" political conspiracy " aimed at discrediting and removing Anwar from the political arena.

Only in 2012 were the charges dropped. On March 8, 2013, Saiful's father confirmed that " Anwar is innocent and the victim of a political conspiracy."

Thus, Anwar was able to participate in the new general elections of 2013 without hindrance.

The election campaign was very turbulent, and public opinion polls gave hope for a victory for the opposition.²⁴ There was even talk of the "Malaysian spring"phenomenon. Young people launched the "It's Time for Change" movement. The opposition's almost socialist slogans appealed to many.

However, the sensation did not happen. The ruling National Front, rather battered and having lost several seats in Parliament, was nevertheless able to maintain a simple majority in it and formed a government. A huge financial and administrative resource and, allegedly, numerous frauds25 played ^a role.

Undoubtedly, the results of the elections, although they confirmed the trend towards strengthening the opposition, could not but cause disappointment for Anwar Ibrahim. He declared non-recognition of the election results, organized several protest rallies in different parts of the country, and even in the heat of the moment announced that he would retire from political life and take up teaching.

Of course, he didn't go anywhere. Moreover, I decided to take advantage of the situation in Kajang, where one of the members of Parliament withdrew his powers, and decided to run there. If successful, Anwar could expect to be appointed Chief Minister of the state of Selangor, where Kajang is located.

But even these calculations were not fated to come true. On March 8, 2014, the decision of the Court of Appeal was announced out of the blue, where Anwar's rival protested, dissatisfied with the acquittal of him on charges of sodomy. The Court of Appeal, annulling the previous court's decision on Anwar's innocence, sentenced him to five years in prison.

Anwar immediately filed his appeal and was released on bail of 10,000 ringgit* pending a new decision by the Court of Appeal. As a prisoner, he naturally could no longer run in the Kajang elections, and his place was taken by his wife, Wang Aziz, who won the election and became a member of Parliament.

We must pay tribute to this courageous woman: she constantly, in all situations, supports her husband, unconditionally stands behind his back. And if the popular saying is true that behind any success of a man is the love of a woman, then this is just about her.

* $1 equals 3.68 ringgit (March 2015) (ed. note).

However, Anwar's attempts to make her Chief Minister of Selangor (which would have been the first woman in the country to hold the post) were unsuccessful due to the lack of unity on the issue among the People's Bloc partners and the position of the Selangor mayor, who had his own candidate for the post (albeit from Anwar's party).

The constant attacks of the ruling circles against Anwar at the moment when he is trying to strengthen his position, of course, lead to certain reflections.

BACK TO SQUARE ONE

The Appeals Court's refusal to confirm Anwar's innocence at the October-November 2014 trial means that he will have to serve a further five years in prison, and this calls into question the future of his political career. Whether this Malaysian phoenix can rise again from the ashes, time will tell. It is symbolic, however, that, apparently anticipating the negative decision of the Court of Appeal, Anwar spoke to students of the University of Malaya on the eve of the trial (despite the objections of the administration) under the slogan " 40 years. From the University of Malaya to prison. " ²⁶ He temporarily returned to his alma mater, where he had started his brilliant career as a politician.

According to analysts, the prolonged pause with the decision of the Court of Appeal (initially the court was going to publish its decision at the end of November 2014, but did it only on February 10, 2015) indicates the confusion of the ruling circles, who are not able to determine what is more dangerous for them - the conviction of Anwar or his acquittal.

According to Koo Nan, a political commentator for the online magazine Malaysia Today, " The second sodomy trial will be Anwar Ibrahim's victory at Waterloo. Imprisoned by hook or crook, the former deputy Prime Minister will be more dangerous for the government than remaining at large."²⁷.

¹ Malay College Kuala Kangsar is the first college in colonial Malaya for children of the Malay aristocracy. It was established in 1905 on the initiative of the British colonial administrator and Malay scholar R. J. Wilkinson (1867-1941). The first set consisted of 40 people, mainly the children of the rulers and their relatives. After 1947, access to the college was also open to representatives of other strata. Notable alumni include the creator of the first Malay language textbooks (1895-1973), founder of OMNO Jafar Onn (1895-1962), Sultan of Perak Azlan Shah (1928-2014), Prime Minister Abdul Razak (1922-1976), Sultan of Brunei Omar Ali Saifuddin (1914-1986), current President of the State of Perak Defense Minister Hishamuddin Hussein. The first principal, W. Hargreaves (1884-1945), and Saab alumnus and writer Anthony Burgess (1917-1993) became famous among the faculty.

^{Anwar Ibrahim.} 2 The Asian Renaissance. Singapore: Times Book International. 1996, p. 15.

^{Funston John.} 3 Political Careers of Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim: Parallels, Intersecting and Conflicting Lives // IKMAS Working Papers. Institute of Malaysian and International Studies. Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. N 15 (July 1998), p. 17.

^{Sulaiman Masri.} 4 Mahasiswa Rusia: Islam tertinas? - Tidak benar // Utusan Malaysia. 25.10.1970.

^{Morals John Victor.} 5 Anwar Ibrahim. Resolute in Leadership. Kuala Lumpur: Arenabuku Sdn. Bhd., 1983, p. 3.

^{Funston John.} 6 Op. cit, p. 19.

^{Charles Alters.} 7 Anwar Ibrahim. Evolution of a Muslim Demokrat. Singapore: Monsoon Books Pte Ltd. 2013, p. 53.

^{Syed Husin Ali.} 8 The Two Faces: Detention Without Trial. Kuala Lumpur: Insan. 1996, p. 156.

⁹ Doctor in the House: The Memoirs of Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. Petaling Jaya: MPH Group Pub. 2010, p. 404.

¹⁰ Ibidem.

¹¹ Ibid.

^{Pogadaev V. A., Rott N. V.} 12 Russian-Malaysian dictionary. Approx. 30,000 words. / Edited by V. A. Pogadaev, Moscow, Russian Language, 1986. (Pogadaev V. A., Rott N. V. 1986. Russko-malayziyskiy slovar. M.) (in Russian)

¹³ The Malaysian Language and Literature Council has prepared and published: A Guide to Standard Malay Pronunciation (Pedoman Sebutan Bahasa Melayu, DBP, 1988); A general list of words with standard Pronunciation (Daftar Umum Sebutan Bahasa Melayu, DBP, 1991); A Modular Guide to Standard Malay Pronunciation (Modul Panduan Sebutan Baku Bahasa Melayu, Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia, DBP, 1989). A circular letter from the Ministry of Education dated 30 September 1993 stated that starting with the new academic year 1994, all schools should adopt the standard pronunciation, which should also be used in oral examinations. See Ketua Pengarah Pendidikan Malaysia. Surat Pekeliling Ikhtisas, bil. 2/1993 (Director of the General Directorate of the Ministry of Education of Malaysia. Informational circular letter, No. 2/1993).

¹⁴ Anwar and the Future of Asia // Time. October 6, 1997.

¹⁵ Newsweek International. December 28, 1998/January 4, 1999.

¹⁶ Doctor in the House.., p. 414.

¹⁷ Ibidem.

^{Khalid Jafr.} 18 50 Dalil Mengapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM. Kuala Lumpur: Media Pulau Lagenda, 1998. Anwar Ibrahim sued the author of the book "for libel" and in 2005 won the lawsuit, receiving 4.5 million ringgit in compensation for non-pecuniary damage. It is interesting that Mahathir, when speaking about the homosexual tendencies of his former deputy, refers to the same notorious book. See: Doctor in the House.., p. 684.

¹⁹ The party was originally called the National Justice Party. The current name is from August 3, 2003 after the merger with the Malaysian People's Party.

^{Muhammad Haji Salleh.} 20 Puitika Sastera Melayu (Malay Poetics). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. 2000.

^{Pogadaev V. A.} 21 Malaysia waiting for changes / / Asia and Africa today. 2008, N 8, с. 20 - 23. (Pogadaev V. 2008. Malayziya v ozhidanii peremen // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 8) (in Russian)

^{Pogadaev V. A.} 22 "One Malaysia" premiered by Najib Razak // Asia and Africa today., 2009, N 12, pp. 41-44. (Pogadaev V. A. 2009. "Odna Malayziya" premyera Nadzhiba Razaka / / Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 12) (in Russian)

²³ Najib admitted that he had met Saiful and discussed the issue of sodomy with him before he filed a police report. See: Tuduhan llwat ke atas Anwar satu konspirasi (Accusing Anwar of sodomy - conspiracy) / / Harian Sinar. 28.10.2014.

²⁴ UMcedel Survey // Malaysian Insider. 25.04.2013.

^{23 Pogadaev V. A.} 23 General elections in Malaysia: a new mandate of the National Front]. 2013. N 7, с. 26 - 28. (Pogadaev V.A. 2013. Vseobshchiye vybory v Malayzii: novyi mandat Natsionalnogo fronta // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 7) (in Russian)

²⁶ Anwar to speak at UM before sodomy appeal // Malaysia Kini. 20.10.2014. By the time Anwar Ibrahim was scheduled to speak, the gates to the university were closed, but the crowd tore them down. The two student leaders who invited Anwar were later punished with two years of expulsion from the university, despite a campaign to collect signatures from the faculty to pardon them. See: Malay Mail/ 10.12.2014.

²⁷ http://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/124059

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