A. M. VASILIEV, Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences

King Abdulaziz Keywords:, Mohammed bin Abdul Wahhab, Sherif of Mecca Hussein bin Ali ("Sherif Hussein"), Percy Cox, Harry St. John Philby

The Arabian Peninsula, where Islam was born in the seventh century A.D., remained for centuries on the margins of the great Muslim empires. Only the holy cities of Mecca and Medina were important to the rulers of Damascus or Baghdad, Istanbul or Cairo. But in the middle of the 18th century, a powerful unification movement emerged in the center of the peninsula, led by the Emir of a small oasis, Muhammad ibn Saud, and the teacher of faith, Muhammad ibn Abdel Wahhab.

The Emir was the founder of the family of Saudis, in Arabic-Aal Saudov (in translations, the word "aal" (house, family) is often confused with the article "al"). A state was created that united most of the peninsula, including Mecca and Medina. It challenged the Ottoman Empire, but in 1818 was defeated by the army of the Egyptian Pasha. Then it was revived in a limited area with its capital in Riyadh, but collapsed as a result of rivalry in the ruler's family and under the blows of the rising Emirate of Jabal Shammar, an Ottoman vassal ruled by the Ibn Rashid family.

The last Emir of Riyadh, Abdurrahman, fled to the desert with his family in 1891, lived among nomads for a long time, then settled as an exile in Kuwait. He was accompanied by his sons, the eldest of whom was Abdel Aziz.

Together with his sons Abdel Aziz and Mohammed, who were then 10 years old, and other relatives, Abdurrahman took refuge in the al-Murra tribe (banu Mura), which roamed at the very edge of the great Arabian desert Rub al-Khali. Abdel Aziz's mother and other women of the family later traveled to Bahrain under the protection of the sheikh there.

Life among the al-Murra was hard, full of hardships. These Bedouins were constantly on the verge of starvation. They ate dates and camel's milk, and occasionally shot gazelles, hares, or bustards. They even ate the meat of lizards and mountain rats, which was considered forbidden for Muslim believers, and in general they were careless about fulfilling the requirements of Islam. But they were brave, warlike, fierce warriors, and terrified the caravans.

ABDEL AZIZ'S FIRST "UNIVERSITIES"

Abdel Aziz learned the lessons of survival and desert warfare as a boy and teenager. He slept in the open air, participated in raids and hunts, and could tell from footprints who passed through a certain area and when. He learned to take care of camels, to travel great distances on horseback, with only a small bag of dates and a skin of sour milk for food.

At this time, his father Abdurrahman had a chance to play according to the old laws of desert wrestling. The Ottoman vassal Emirate of Jebel Shammar, having established dominance over the whole of Nejd, sharply strengthened. This did not suit the Turks. They needed a counterweight to the Ibn Rashids, to keep the vassal on a tight leash, so that he would be weak and constantly need them.

Similarly, the enemy of the Shammars, Sheikh Mohammed of Kuwait, reasoned, who did not want to repeat the fate of the Aal Saud, who lost their possessions under the blows of Ibn Rashids. In 1893, he invited Abdurrahman and his family to Kuwait, and the Turks gave the former ruler of Najd a small allowance of 60 gold liras per month.

Abdurrahman's family began to live in a one-story three-room house with a courtyard. She found herself in the humiliated position of guests on the support. Abdel Aziz wandered the narrow streets of Kuwait's mud-brick town, drinking coffee with friends, visiting the port and souks. I listened and memorized my father's stories about the great past of their family. He prayed and dreamed of a great future. He was literally torn from within by the energy and desire to end his position as an exile, dreams of returning the glory of his ancestors, of restoring the state of Aal Saud, created a century and a half ago. He assimilated and was guided by the tenets of the faith that he had received from Shay in Riyadh-

ha Abdullah bin Abdul Latif Aal al-Sheikh, whose daughter he will marry after the capture of Riyadh.

Kuwait at the end of the 19th century became one of the centers of intrigue of the great Powers. Germany had a plan to break through to the Persian Gulf, which Great Britain considered its inland lake, by building a Baghdad railway with access to Kuwait. Vague plans of the same kind were hatched by tsarist Russia. In Kuwait itself, there was a split in the ruling family. After what we would today call a bloody coup d'etat, Sheikh Mubarak Aal Sabah took power in 1896. In 1899, he secretly accepted the English protectorate to protect himself from the heavy hand of the Turks.

Mubarak lived for a while in Bombay, started smoking, became addicted to "luxury" (according to the Arabian concepts), he had brocade chairs and an exit carriage. He used to invite dancers and musicians from Basra to entertain him. The dancing, the music, the tobacco, the paintings in his house, especially the images of women, the "luxury" in his clothes and furniture, the pomp with which he traveled - all this was alien to the deeply religious Abdurrahman. But his son, Abdel Aziz, became friends with Mubarak, calling him a "second father." The Sheikh of Kuwait invited him to his state majlises, where the young man got acquainted with new ideas, new faces, habits, and ways of thinking. He saw foreigners-merchants, travelers, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Russians, and Germans. He watched as Mubarak, the grand master of Arab diplomacy and politics, interacted with them.

For Mubarak, the Aal Saudis were not just guests, but military allies. In 1900, the Kuwaitis, along with the soldiers of Abdurrahman and his Bedouin allies, marched against Jabal Shammar, where Abdulaziz ibn Mitab ibn Rashid ruled (so that the reader will not be confused by similar names, we will call him Ibn Mitab).

Abdurrahman's son, Abdel Aziz, captured the city of Riyadh with a small detachment, but could not take the citadel. The main forces of Mubarak and his allies in February-March 1901 were defeated in the Battle of Es-Sarif. Abdel Aziz ibn Abdurrahman was forced to return to Kuwait to save himself and his small group. An English warship fired on Ibn Mitab's army, which was besieging Kuwait City, and it went into the desert. Military action against Ibn Mitab seemed hopeless.

For everyone except Abdel Aziz.

FIRST MILITARY SUCCESSES

He persuaded Mubarak to help him. The latter gave him 30 camels, 30 rifles with cartridges and 200 rials in gold coins.

In mid-1901, Abdel Aziz left with his father two wives and his first - born son Turki. Gathering about 40 of his relatives and friends, including his brother Muhammad and his cousin Abdallah ibn Jiluvi, he set out on the campaign, ready to die or win. Several thousand Bedouins joined him along the way, hoping for loot. But there was no success, and the Bedouins left it. The nomads and oasis dwellers feared the wrath of Ibn Mitab and did not dare to rebel. This may have determined the success of his adventure, as his tiny squad managed to move around without attracting the enemy's attention.

After all the failures, Abdel Aziz gathered his men and said that he would go to the end. Anyone who wants to leave it can leave, and anyone who wants to take a risk with it can stay. He was left with 30 loyal relatives and friends and 10 residents of Riyadh.

All the circumstances seemed to be against Abdel Aziz.

However, Abdel Aziz decided to take another chance, and on January 12, 1902, he appeared in the vicinity of the former capital of Aal Saud.

After resting in a small oasis, he left a detachment of his men with camels and horses, instructing them to flee if he did not return by morning. The others headed for the ruined walls of the city.

On a dark night, the soldiers led by Abdel Aziz climbed over the wall and made their way to the house of their supporter Ibn Juweisir, who lived next to the house of the Shammar governor Ajlyan ibn Muhammad. Ajlian was married to a resident of Riyadh and visited her during the day, but preferred to spend his nights in the fortress of Mismak with a garrison of about 80 people.

Ibn Juwaysir fed Abdul Aziz and his soldiers, and then they went to the house where Ajlyan's wife was staying. The governor himself was not found there, but his wife and a relative were locked in one of the rooms. Abdel Aziz sent for his brother Mohammed and his small band, who had been left behind outside the city. Everyone was gathered in the house. Ajlian's wife said that the governor might have come to her after morning prayers, and they decided to wait. The tension in the handful of warriors who already clearly felt the adventurism of their actions reached the limit.

On the morning of January 15, 1902, Ajlian finally emerged from the fortress with a small guard. Abdel Aziz and his soldiers opened fire and charged the governor. Shammars

they tried to escape. Only at the very last moment did Abdullah ibn Jiluvi kill the governor in the Mismak fortress, which has become a famous tourist attraction in Riyadh. Legend has it that the point of Abdel Aziz's spear was stuck in the gate of the fortress, and the blood of Ajlian was preserved on its walls.

On the highest minaret of the mosque, a muezzin appeared and announced: "The power belongs to Allah, then to Abdel Aziz!"

Taking advantage of the suddenness factor, Abdel Aziz's soldiers dealt with the Shammar garrison in the fortress, and then killed those who were in the city. Two dozen Shammars who had locked themselves in the fortress tower were released on parole. The young Emir lost only two men killed and three wounded. The audacious, desperate, almost suicidal, recklessly brave capture of Riyadh created an aura of good fortune and victory around Abdel Aziz.

The Erriyad people swore an oath of allegiance to Abdel Aziz, who immediately began to strengthen the walls of the capital. When Ibn Mitab learned of the fall of Riyadh, he became enraged and vowed to take revenge on his traditional enemies. Meanwhile, Abdel Aziz was approached by reinforcements sent from Kuwait - 70 fighters led by his other brother, Saad. Before the arrival of the Shammars, the young emir managed to expand control over the territory around the capital.

Abdel Aziz received his father, who arrived from Kuwait, with honor. The mutual understanding between the son and the father was complete. Abdurrahman left all major political and military affairs in the hands of his son, remaining the imam of Muslims and the main adviser to Abdel Aziz. The son showed signs of boundless respect and love for his father.

Taking advantage of the respite given to him by the Shammars, Abdel Aziz began to strike in all directions. In Southern Nejd, Abdel Aziz was helped by the Dawasir tribe, whose nobles were related to him. He moved from oasis to oasis, from tribe to tribe. He inspired people to fight, persuading the heads of oases and tribes to join him, arguing with them, convincing them. He slept so little that sometimes he would just fall to the ground somewhere in the tent to rest for two or three hours. Finally, at Dilam, he was able to defeat the superior forces of Ibn Mitab. The return of Riyadh was a gamble that succeeded. This time the Shammars were defeated in open battle. More battles followed.

Abdel Aziz proved to be a strong military leader who calculated the actions of his own and his enemies many steps ahead. When in the spring of 1903 Ibn Mitab laid siege to Riyadh, and Abdulaziz was near Kuwait. He did not rush to the aid of his father, who was defending the fortified capital, but advanced to El-Qasim to the north, threatening the enemy's supply routes. Upon learning of this, Ibn Mitab lifted the siege and quickly withdrew to assist his forces in the north. In 1904, Abdel Aziz already controlled Nejd about 100 kilometers north of Riyadh.

There was a war not only between the two Arabian Emirates. There was also a personal rivalry between Abdel Aziz and Ibn Mitab. The ruler of Jebel Shammar was not tall. He was characterized by rudeness, intolerance and cruelty. They didn't like him, but they were afraid of him. He only understood power. He fought for the spoils and was a destroyer, not a creator. But he was a very brave and experienced warrior.

Abdel Aziz , a giant of a man, seemed the exact opposite of his rival. He sought the favor of the tribes. He knew how to please their prides and how to ignore their shortcomings. He had qualities that the Arabs admired. He was endlessly generous and "democratic," showering gifts on his supporters. He was a great man, a great lover, and a fiercely courageous warrior. Despite his strictly Muslim upbringing, he loved jokes and laughter. In addition, he was young, full of religious zeal and energy, and the opponent was already getting old. Abdel Aziz conquered not to destroy, but to restore order and ensure security. He did not rob, but took the spoils of war, distributing them fairly among the warriors."

he had to be merciless.

The English author G. Armstrong tells the story of how Abdel Aziz captured Ubayd, one of Ibn Mitab's relatives. When the prisoner was brought before him, he asked without dismounting, " Did you, Ubayd bin Rashid, kill my Uncle Muhammad in Riyadh?" He pulled out the saber that his father had given him, and held it in his hand without hurrying. "Do not kill me, O Abu Turki!" exclaimed Ubayd. Ibn Saud replied, " There is no room for pity now, I must do justice, and justice is the retribution for murder." He brought his saber down on Ubaid's head, struck again, and with a third blow severed the man's chest, where his heart was still beating. He kissed his saber, wiped it clean, and slid it back into its scabbard1.

In history, the legend is no less important than the fact itself. It doesn't matter if such a conversation took place between the Emir of Riyadh and his captive. After all, according to some sources, Mohammed, Abdel Aziz's uncle, was not killed, but died of an illness. But the important thing is that Abdel Aziz's enemies were being punished, and everyone should have known that.

However, the rapid success of Abdel Aziz did not suit the Turks. A counterweight to Jebel Shammar-yes, an independent, strong Najdi Emirate-no. They decided to intervene.

In June 1904, a Turkish detachment - about 2 thousand bayonets with 6 guns - was sent from Basra to Nejd. In one of the battles, the Emir of Riyadh was seriously wounded. In defeat, he showed the same strength of spirit as in victories. He was able to restore his army, gathering both nomads and sedentary, and turn the tide of hostilities. Both Ibn Mitab and the Turks were defeated.

Despite his youth and ecstasy of victory, Abdel Aziz was wise. He knew that he could not challenge the Ottoman Empire. Even then, the young leader knew how to wait for his time to come. With the help of his father and Kuwait's Sheikh Mubarak, he decided to help the Turks save face. Abdurrahman wrote a letter to the governor of Basra, claiming that it was all the fault of the Shammars, who dragged the Turks into a clash with his son. A compromise was reached. The Turks sent small garrisons to the cities of Al - Qasimah-Burayda and Anayza, where the Sultan's name was mentioned in Sunday (Friday) sermons. But at the same time, they recognized Abdel Aziz as the ruler of Nejd.

New Turkish troops sent from Baghdad and the Hejaz forced the Nejdians to pay lip service to the Sultan's suzerainty. Meanwhile, the uprising in Yemen forced the Turks to move some troops from Nejd there. Ottoman garrisons were rapidly dwindling as a result of disease and desertion, and in 1906 they were forced to evacuate to the Hejaz and Iraq. Of the 4.5 thousand soldiers sent in two years, less than 1 thousand returned. It was a complete defeat. According to the chronicler Saud ibn Hizlul, when the Ottoman forces left Al-Qasim, "they were still grateful for it." They left Nejd for good.

But even before they left, on April 13, 1906, the battle of Abdel Aziz's troops with Ibn Mitab took place.

At dawn, the Saudis attacked Ibn Mitab's camp, firing cannons at it first. The ruler of Jebel Shammar began to thrash about, trying to restore order. He fought his way to the banner of the Aal Rashids, which had already fallen into the hands of Abdel Aziz's soldiers. Thinking that they were his men, Ibn Mitab shouted something to them in the Shammar dialect, was identified and immediately killed. The Shammars fled in panic. Abdul Aziz's soldiers cut off Ibn Mi-tabu's head and displayed it in Burayd and Anayz. Such was the end of a brave military leader, but an unsuccessful politician, whose death opened a period of instability in Jabal Shammar.

TRADITION AS A READY-MADE CONCEPT

Abdel Aziz was the son of his time, his social conditions, his traditions, his mentality, his notions of honor, generosity, cruelty. If he had lost the battle, he would have been treated the same way.

Abdel Aziz never took a bed with him when he went on a campaign, and only later did he carry an iron bed in a wagon train. He was sleeping on a carpet thrown on the sand. When he lay down, he always put his saber next to him. Sometimes, fearing a treacherous blow, he did not even lie down, but half-sat dozing, his chin on his hands, and his hands on the hilt of his saber, which was stuck in the sand. He was always on the lookout, even though he was surrounded by bodyguards. His horse was always standing next to the tent, and he was ready to jump on it and ride without a saddle or bridle. His lifestyle had turned his body into a bundle of muscle and sinew. He ate and drank as much as he could, and subsequently suffered from stomach troubles and a wound to his stomach.

His energy seemed endless. He worked all day and most of the night. Sitting at the entrance to the tent, he talked with those who came to him, listened to complaints, resolved disputes. Reports and news were brought to him. He knew his country perfectly, the history of the tribes and oases, the life of the townspeople and Bedouins. He knew how to set up a camp, organize food supplies, and get forage. His orders were clear and reasonable. But even in the most difficult situations, he never forgot to perform five-fold prayers.

On military campaigns, especially in battles, he was excited, his eyes sparkled, but he did not lose his cold mind. Everyone around him was exhausted, just as he was. He worked himself to exhaustion. But after defeating Ibn Mitab, he would have to wait another long fifteen years before he annexed Jabal Shammar.

The Shammars were not yet broken. To take the capital of Jabal Shammar, to defeat the Shammars in their own country, Abdel Aziz could not yet. They were still a threat, but not a deadly one. A split has begun in the Aal Rashid family. It was even more debilitating

a hostile emirate. The Aal Rashid family could not nominate a leader even remotely equal to Abdel Aziz.

These were the first years of Abdel Aziz's activity after his return to Nejd. They became a legend.

Abdel Aziz was then in the prime of life. Huge, powerful, lean, and fit, he was a recognized leader with a reputation for being a courageous warrior, with the aura of victory that followed him. He was a military leader who defeated the Turks, liberated Nejd from the Aal Rashids, and achieved success thanks to his intelligence, courage, eloquence, and leadership skills. He was a powerful man who entered into numerous marriages, which increased his popularity. But more on that ahead.

However, the material resources of the emirate were too scarce to maintain a stable rule. Everyone knew that the Bedouins would not recognize the authority of the new master if he forbade them to conduct raids and did not give them anything in return. They joined Abdel Aziz not because they were loyal to his family, but because they counted on the spoils of victorious campaigns. The ruler of Nejd forbade them to raid without his permission and mercilessly punished anyone who did not obey him. The Bedouins were ready to betray him at any moment and always tried to slip out of his control.

Abdel Aziz was under the constant surveillance of others, under the appraising eyes of the Ulema, who considered only themselves the guardians of orthodoxy. Maybe it hurt him, but he never showed his annoyance. Of course, he was a sincere Muslim, he prayed, fasted, and did charity work as a devout believer. He didn't drink or smoke. He didn't wear fancy clothes. Still, the Ulama did not quite trust him. He was funny and could laugh, even though they thought it was reprehensible. He allowed his soldiers to sing during their campaigns. In politics, he was a pragmatist. When he discovered that some of the inhabitants of Anaiza were smoking, he did not punish them, although from the point of view of orthodoxy he should have done so.

Abdel Aziz was aided by his family connection to the descendants of Ibn Abdel Waahab and the reputation of his father, Abdurrahman. The Imam of the Ulama was trusted. He spent most of his time in prayer, reading religious books, and being extremely devout. He served as a link between his son and the Ulama, if necessary.

The new blow came from an unexpected direction. The strengthening of the Najdi Emirate did not suit the Sheikh of Kuwait Mubarak for the same reasons as the Turks. Abdel Aziz's former ally and patron, whom he referred to in his letters as "father," began scheming against him.

Between Kuwait and Nejd lay the lands where the warlike Muteir tribe had established a foothold. Mubarak established ties with the sheikh of the Muteirs, Faisal Aal Dawish, and persuaded him to ally with the Aal Rashids.

In the autumn of 1907, the Emir of Nejdi fought with the Shammars and Muteirs at Tarafiyya, during which his horse was killed and he fell, breaking his collarbone. The battle didn't give either side the upper hand.

You can imagine the agony of Abdel Aziz, lying awake and writhing in pain in his tent. After all, he didn't know any painkillers. But in the morning, after overcoming the wild pain, he led his warriors to the attack. The Shammars fled. After that, he attacked the Muteirs and allowed his soldiers to plunder and burn their villages up to the borders of Kuwait, seize tents and cattle. He chased the Muteir until they came crawling back to beg for mercy.

Meanwhile, the "Young Turks" took power in Istanbul. They tried to strengthen their positions in Arab countries, particularly in the Hejaz, where the holy cities of Mecca and Medina were located, and completed the construction of a railway from Damascus to Medina. In 1908, Hussein ibn Ali, a descendant of the Prophet, who had long lived with his family in Istanbul and was considered "his own", was appointed sheriff of Mecca and ruler of the Hejaz. He was already in his fifties. He knew very well how to deal with the Turks. But he was stubborn, under-

visual and infinitely ambitious.

During the two years of his rule, Sherif Hussein tried to prove his loyalty to the High Porte by marching to Asir, while the Turks were busy suppressing the uprising of Imam Yahya in Yemen. In the late summer of 1910, Sherif gathered a Bedouin militia and invaded Nejd. Along the way, he managed to accidentally capture Abdel Aziz's brother Saad.

Abdel Aziz was preparing for action against the Hejazis when he learned that an uprising had begun behind his back, led by his cousins, the sons of Saud, the brother and rival of his father, who once ruled in Riyadh. They relied on the powerful and warlike Ajman tribe, with the nobility of which they were related.

Abdel Aziz never hit his head against a wall. He knew that if he had an uprising behind him, he would not be able to deal with the hated Hussein. So, swallowing his pride, he quickly made peace with him, paid the ransom for Saad. Abdel Aziz promised to pay the Sultan 6 thousand riyals a year and confirmed the formal suzerainty of the Turks over Najd. Saad was then released and Husayn returned to Mecca. The Emir of Riyadh, however, did not intend to fulfill the terms of the agreement, did not pay any tribute, and the recognition of the sultan's suzerainty remained in words.

After making peace with the Sherif of Mecca, Abdelaziz went to Al-Harik to put down the uprising there. All captured members of the Aal Khazzani clan who participated in the rebellion were executed. But he forgave the leader of the rebellion, his great-nephew Saud bin Abdullah bin Saud, and he served him faithfully for the rest of his life. Other leaders of the uprising fled to the Hejaz, where the Sherif granted them sanctuary.

The story flew from oasis to oasis, from tribe to tribe. Everyone should have known how Abdel Aziz dealt with traitors and how fair he was to those who were loyal to him.

Abdel Aziz performed the main state functions publicly. In Riyadh, he would sit on the steps of his palace before a gathering of guests, townspeople, and ordinary Bedouins. In bivouacs, he would sit at the entrance of a tent or at a mosque in villages where there were no palaces or fortresses. He was surrounded by local sheikhs, a personal guard of the best warriors and loyal African slaves. All of them were armed with sabres and pistols, some with rifles, and some of the slaves carried heavy sticks. Slaves also served as squires.

The Emir of Riyadh dealt with disputes over wells and pastures, tribal boundaries, water distribution, ownership of camels, accusations of looting, claims for damages from wounds received in fights. Everyone had the right to address him directly. Sometimes he was condescending and generous, sometimes he was harsh, easily flaring up if he heard unfair or undocumented objections. He ruled the court on the basis of Sharia law, but also took into account traditional tribal law. He had power over life and death. There were no lawyers, no lawyers, no one knew about their existence and didn't want to know. He listened to the evidence of both sides and made decisions. If he decided that the theft was proven, the guilty person's hand was immediately cut off and the stump was dipped in boiling oil to stop the bleeding, then the severed hand was shown to everyone present.

There were cases when the relatives of the deceased appealed to him with a demand to punish the killer. Abdel Aziz could have ordered the execution of the murderer, but would there be a chain of blood feuds? According to the custom of the country, it was possible to pay a ransom, so as not to aggravate the blood feud between the two countries.

tribes and clans, and he usually appointed a ransom in such cases, and this decision was made by both parties.

All the actions and decisions of the ruler were judged by people who spread stories about him throughout the country. He had to make decisions quickly, be fair, and if necessary, be cruel. He couldn't hide behind a state machine that just didn't exist yet, couldn't create the illusion of wisdom. He was a ruler, a military commander, and a judge. If he hesitated, showed ignorance of Sharia and customs, or was unjust, he would be disrespected as a ruler, refused to pay taxes at the first opportunity, and, most importantly, sent soldiers to participate in his campaigns. He was an absolute autocrat. But he was an autocrat by the will of his people, who did not know, did not want to know, and did not imagine any other type of government.

In each city and oasis, he appointed governors who provided security, collected taxes, and were ready to deploy soldiers at his request. He usually chose them from the local nobility, unless they were his traditional enemies. Sometimes, if the local nobility was hostile, he would send his henchman from Riyadh with a strong guard.

He chose the local rulers with great care, judging their character and abilities and knowing well how to act: either extend a generous hand or use an iron fist.

When he visited a city or oasis, he saw not only the governor, but all the natables. He prayed with them, drank coffee, discussed local issues, asked about business, and distributed gifts. He had no pity for the incompetent, dishonest, and especially disloyal governors.

Abdel Aziz bound tribal rulers and sheikhs by mutual bail. They often competed and reported on each other with pleasure. He knew very well who was friends with whom, who was related to whom, and the reasons for their quarrels and rivalries. If necessary, he played on their contradictions. Moreover, religious preachers and their students were sent from Riyadh, who considered themselves the guardians of the purity of Islam and reported to Riyadh every time they saw a deviation from religious practice or disloyalty to the ruler.

BETWEEN ISTANBUL AND LONDON

At the beginning of the second decade of the twentieth century, danger was gathering over the emirate. Although the Ottoman Empire was weak, it did not give up its Arabian possessions. The railway to Medina was being completed. The Turks gave money to the Jabal Shamar, to tribes hostile to Abdel Aziz - the Muteirs and Ajmans. Rumor had it that an army was gathering in Baghdad to invade Arabia.

But the Balkan Wars began. The Turks were defeated by the Italians in Libya. The Bulgarians were advancing on Istanbul. In this situation, control of a meaningless piece of desert was of secondary importance to the Turks. They moved troops even from Al-Hasa, even from Mesopotamia, to concentrate them where the greatest danger arose. Then Abdel Aziz saw his chance to reach the Persian Gulf and capture Al-Hasa.

This province constantly attracted the attention of the rulers of Riyadh. It wasn't just that they considered it their rightful fiefdom. The rich oases of Al-Hasa and customs revenues could strengthen the financial position of the Aal Saud. The Erriyad Emirate needed access to the sea. But the ruler of Najd knew from his experience in Kuwait that the British were the main force in the Persian Gulf, and from 1903 onwards he tried to establish friendly relations with them.

At the beginning of 1912. The high Porte, preoccupied with the war in Europe, was trying to gain support from its remote Arabian provinces or ensure their neutrality. A delegation was sent to Abdel Aziz, who talked, in particular, about sending Nejdi troops to support the Turkish garrison in Al-Hasa. The ruler of Nejd felt that El-Hasa would soon fall into his hands like a ripe fruit.

The population of Al-Hasa, exhausted by extortion and oppression, looked to the Nejdians as deliverers. Back in 1903, the Russian consul in Basra wrote that the Ottoman mutesarrif in Al-Hasa "by his arbitrariness and extortion brought the Arab population of the Sanjak to exhaustion."

"The power of the Turks over Al-Hasa was illusory," the Russian consulate in Basra reported. - In the first days of May, Ibn Saud, having gathered about 8 thousand well-armed Arabs, suddenly invaded Al-Hasa and attacked Khufuf. It was not difficult for him to master the city. " ²

Again, very wisely, Abdel Aziz decided not to antagonize the Turks completely. He allowed their garrisons to be evacuated from Al-Hasa with weapons and agreed to formally recognize the Sultan's suzerainty.

The annexation of Al-Hasa dramatically strengthened the position of the ruler of Nejd. It received two ports in the Persian Gulf region and revenues from local customs. But Abdelaziz understood his limitations. He has already achieved great success. To the west lay the Hejaz, ruled by Sherif Hussein, who was his enemy and so far relied on the Turks. He still called Sheikh Mubarak of Kuwait "father" and asked for his advice, but he knew that he was acting against him. He did not attack the Shammars because he knew their military strength and their ability to resist, their willingness to strike if his grip on Nejd loosened.

What was needed was a force that would consolidate all of his subjects. The power of the spirit, the power of religion, the ideals that would unite the nomads-

and settled people. Abdel Aziz was supposed to unite people on the basis of religious zeal and fervor. To do this, one had to be strict and give oneself only to faith, only to prayer.

THE WHITE HORROR OF ARABIA

Who knows who first came up with the idea of Bedouin settlements-hijras, whose inhabitants began to consider themselves brothers-Ikhwans. Maybe Abdel Aziz himself, maybe his father, but most likely his father-in-law, Abdallah ibn Abdel Latif. The spiritual fathers of Ikhwanismare considered to be Abdallah ibn Abdel Latyf from the family of Aal al-Sheikh, Qadi El-Hasa Sheikh Isa and a certain Abdel Kerim al-Maghribi, who arrived in Arabia around the turn of the century and settled in the area of the future hijra El-Artawiya. If the Bedouins under Abdel Aziz's leadership could no longer carry out predatory raids, they must have had more or less constant sources of income.

This source should have been sedentary agriculture, and "brotherhood" in the service of Allah should have been more important than tribal loyalty.

In addition to strict adherence to the five basic tenets of Islam, Ikhwans were required to be loyal to their "brothers", obey the Emir-Imam, help each other in every possible way, and refuse to communicate with Europeans and residents of the countries they ruled.

The exact date of the founding of the first colony of El Artavia is unknown, but it probably appeared in the first half of 1913.

Some members of the Muteir tribe have voluntarily sold some of their camels and camp equipment needed to support the Bedouin way of life at markets in Kuwait. They settled in the area of El-Artavia and began to build homes, deciding to devote themselves exclusively to agriculture and the study of monotheism.

Traditional ties of tribal mutual aid were transformed into mutual aid of the Ikhvans: if any of them lost their property as a result of a raid or loss of livestock, the "brothers" organized a collection of donations in their favor.

Abdel Aziz encouraged settlement by helping the Ikhwans with money, seeds, agricultural implements, materials for building mosques, schools, and settlements, as well as sending them mutawwa religious teachers. In addition, he provided soldiers with weapons and equipment for the "protection of religion."

The emirs of the Hijras, coming with their retinue to Abdel Aziz at least once a year, received from him a monetary allowance and other gifts, and enjoyed his hospitality. The names of emirs were recorded in special books, and the amount of the allowance was determined depending on their merits and the number of followers. An annual reward was given to ikhvans-warriors listed in the register books in the office of the ruler of Nejd. As a one-time allowance for individual requests, money was given out to buy food, livestock or cover a debt, for a wedding or building a house.

The formal condition for acceptance into the hijra was the rejection of the customs and norms of the tribal way of life. However, this requirement was not met in practice, and Hijras were settled mainly on a tribal basis. The settlements of the Ikhwans actually became the headquarters of the sheikhs of the largest tribes. Faisal A'l Dawish of the Muteirs settled in Al-Artawiyah, Ibn Bijad of the Athaybs in Al - Ghatghat, Ibn Nuhait of the Harbas in Dukhna, and Ibn Jibril and Ibn Sunayyan of the Shammars in Al-Ajfar.

The religious fervor of the Ikhwans should have been directed to the worship of Allah and, of course, to the service of his representatives on earth. Their religious and secular zeal was to be rewarded, as before, with spoils of war, but not in the form of tribal raids and highway robberies, but in the war against the "polytheists". The economic and social necessity of settling the nomads and moving to agriculture was combined with religious zeal and military needs, but these tasks could contradict each other, and some hijras fell apart.

The new converts tended to be more fanatical than the old followers of the religion. The Ikhwans began to consider themselves superior to all Muslims; all others were despicable. Even in appearance, they began to differ from others, dye their beards with henna, shortened their white dishdashas so that they barely covered their knees.

The Ikhwans became the" white terror " of Arabia. With their help, Abdel Aziz was already at the beginning of the 20s of the XX century. basically, he broke the resistance of the most powerful Bedouin tribes and established an "unprecedented" order in the country, in the words of the English writer and traveler J. Philby, or, as the Bedouins called the new regime, "muzzle time". The ancient privileges of sheikh's houses-exemption from paying zakat, collection of huwa from weaker neighbors-were abolished, although they were preserved in other forms and on a limited scale.

The Ikhwans considered "polytheists" all those who did not join them - both residents of oases and cities, and nomads. In the name of a renewed religion, members of the brotherhood committed many atrocities, but their fanaticism increased the combat effectiveness of Abdel Aziz's troops.

But he was never a fanatic himself. He pragmatically used the Ikhwan movement for his own purposes, skilfully avoiding its extremes.

(The ending follows)

^{Armstrong Harold С.} 1 Lord of Arabia: Ibn Saud. An Intimate Study of a King. London: Arthur Bakker Ltd. First published 1934, p. 72 - 73.

² AVPR, f. Politarkhiv, 1912-1914, 375, l. 94-95.

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