Libmonster ID: UK-1242
Author(s) of the publication: M. I. GOLMAN

Key words: Mongolia, President Elbegdorj, Russian-Mongolian relations

M. I. GOLMAN

Doctor of Historical Sciences

On May 24, 2009, Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj, a candidate of the opposition Democratic Party (DP), won the regular presidential election in Mongolia for the first time. Almost a year has passed since then, which dispelled the myths about the new president as the leader of the "orange revolution" in Mongolia and his "pro-Western" foreign policy orientation.

The myth that the fiercest political struggle during the 2008 elections to the country's parliament - the Great State Hural (VGH) - and the 2009 presidential campaign inevitably had to split the country and create permanent political instability has also been dispelled.

IN TIMES OF CRISIS

The presidential election campaign in Mongolia was characterized by an unusual intensity of passion and special nervousness. The reasons for this were the crisis that engulfed the country, including under the influence of the global economic downturn. This crisis caused an increase in commodity prices, a shortage of capital in the financial sector, an increase in unemployment, and stagnation in industrial1.

Moreover, Mongolia has not yet fully recovered from the negative consequences of the dramatic events of July 1-5, 2008 and the long - lasting parliamentary crisis that followed.* Suffice it to say that up to the election day on May 24, 2009, the VGH was not fully operational due to the crisis, and many participants in the 2008 events were under arrest and investigation.

Only the political parties represented in the VGH, namely the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party (MPRP), the PD, the Civil Will Party and the Green Party, were eligible to nominate candidates for the post of President.

In the MPRP, after the governing council conducted interviews with all applicants, it was decided to nominate the incumbent President N. Enkhbayar.

But the National Advisory Committee (NCC) of the Democratic Party considered the election programs of 3 candidates: Ts Elbegdorj, one of the founders of the Mongolian Democratic Union E. Bat-Uul and Vice-speaker G. Batkhu2. After Batkhuu recused himself, the first two candidates were put up for a secret vote. For Ts. 143 members of the NCC voted for Elbegdorj, or 65.3% of the 224 members of the committee present. The PD Extraordinary Congress approved Elbegdorj's candidacy by 99.4% of 3 votes.

The governing bodies of the Grazhdanskaya Volya Party and the Green Party decided not to nominate their own candidates, but in order to:-


* A protest against the results of the parliamentary elections of 29 June 2008 resulted in mass riots, which resulted in the death of 5 people and the injury of over 200 people. For more information, see: Graivoronsky V. V. Was there an attempt at a "color" revolution in Mongolia? // Asia and Africa today. 2008, N 12; Golman M. I. Mongolia. Long echo of the stormy summer of 2008 / / Asia and Africa today. 2009, N 9.

page 48

the unity of all the democratic forces of the country and their Elbegdorj as a symbol of the unity of the democrats, which was enshrined in the relevant three-party agreement of April 8, 2009.4

PERSONALITIES OF THE MAIN COMPETITORS...

The pre-election campaign of Mongolia's 5th presidential election was held in a highly competitive environment. This struggle, according to experts, was largely a rivalry not of parties, but of individuals, their knowledge, intelligence, experience in government work, foresight, etc.

At the same time, between N. Enkhbayar and Ts. Elbegdorj has a lot in common. Both received higher education in the USSR. Enkhbayar in 1975-1980 He studied at the Moscow Literary Institute named after M. Gorky, majoring in literary studies, translator; Elbegdorj-in 1984-1989 at the Lviv Military-Political Institute, majoring in military journalist.

Both men also studied in the West: Enkhbayar - at the University of Leeds (Leeds, England) in 1985-1986, Elbegdorj - at Harvard University in the USA in 2000-2002.

Both men held high state posts: the first-Minister of Culture of the MNR in 1992-1996, Prime Minister in 2000-2004, President in 2005-2008; the second-Prime Minister in 1998-1999 and in 2004-2005. Both have extensive experience in leading the party: N. Enkhbayar headed the MPRP in 1997-2005, and Ts Elbegdorj - leader of the Democratic Union of Mongolia in 1995-1996. and Chairman of the DP in 2006-2008.

Both candidates have large families: Enkhbayar has four children, Elbegdorj has five.

Finally, they are not poor people at all: according to their declarations submitted to the Anti - Corruption Department, Enkhbayar's own income in 2007 was 325,314,900 tugriks*, and Elbegdorj's in 2008 was 66,610,000 tugriks5. It is interesting that both candidates also own livestock 6.

There is a small age gap between them, a larger one in their background, and the biggest one in their track record and charisma.

N. Enkhbayar is 51 years old, he is from the townspeople, was born in Ulaanbaatar, Ts. Elbegdorj is a native of the countryside, from a family of cattle breeders, he is 46 years old.

Enkhbayar is considered an experienced statesman, initiator of a number of major state programs and projects, and in addition, he is a well - known writer, author of translations of many works from Tibetan, English and Russian into Mongolian, honorary doctor of more than 10 domestic and foreign universities.7

Elbegdorj still has a reputation as one of the main leaders of the democratic revolution, the initiator of the famous hunger strikes on Sukhbaatar Square in March 1990, which led to the end of Communist rule in Mongolia. He's a brilliant speaker. Here, for example, as he wrote about it during the revolution of the 90s in his book " Modern Mongolia. From Khans to Commissars and Capitalists "American sinomonholist Morris Rossabi:" ... a military man who was trained in the USSR and worked for a military magazine, he became an honest, direct critic of the government and advocated confrontation with the regime. Less educated and polished than other reform advocates, he nevertheless proved to be a charismatic personality, an excellent speaker who could find his way into the hearts of ordinary people... He was able to appeal to a much wider segment of the population than most of his associates from elite families. " 8

...AND THEIR POLICY PLATFORMS

Naturally, all this left its mark on the electoral platforms with which the candidates started their election campaigns: Enkhbayar - under the motto "Strengthen harmony, provide gifts of the Motherland" with a trip to the small homeland of their father in Somon (Chuluut district) of the Archangay aimag (region), and Elbegdorj - under the motto "Let's be fair" with a trip April 10 to Genghis Khan's homeland in Khentei aimag 9.

The Enkhbayar platform had a more clear, concentrated character. As noted by a well-known Mongolian political scientist L. Erdenetuul in the newspaper "Unan":"...it follows from the realities of life, so it can be really implemented... it puts forward numerous goals, programs and projects for the development of the state, which can be completed in the next 4 years ... " 10

Electoral platform of the Central Election Commission Elbegdorja was more declarative in nature, in the opinion of


* $1 is equal to approximately 1,450 tugriks (editor's note).

page 49

According to some Mongolian analysts, it contained "too many calls, slogans and promises to promote accelerated development of the country, improve living standards", eradicate corruption and poverty, etc. 11

The platform of the MPRP candidate was full of concrete promises, in particular, to introduce the "New Public Services" program, implement the "Health" program, create a "Citizens' Council "(something like a Public Chamber), initiate the "New Clinic" project, develop the "Technology" program, and work on turning the capital into a " clean and comfortable city N. Enkhbayar also promised to support the development of industry, rural areas, small and medium-sized businesses, ensure full satisfaction of the country's needs for agricultural products of domestic production, etc. 12

Electoral platform of the Central Election Commission Elbegdorja outlined 5 main activities of the future president: achieving social justice at all levels and in all sectors, creating normal, healthy living conditions for ordinary people, especially vulnerable segments of the population, eradicating corruption and fighting poverty, preserving the country's pristine natural attractions, and strengthening Mongolia's ties with the outside world. 13

At the same time, both candidates declared their unity with the Mongolian people in their electoral platforms and, of course, at meetings with voters, and placed special emphasis on the implementation of promises made during the 2008 parliamentary elections to issue "gifts of the Motherland" (MPRP) to each resident of the country through the commissioning of new natural deposits. or " shares of wealth "(DP) in the amount of 1.5 million tugriks, and even, as Elbegdorj said in a televised debate on May 21, "we should give 1.5 million tugriks in cash and 1 million in shares. There is every opportunity to distribute 2.5 million"14.

According to many Mongolian observers, not only Enkhbayar's electoral platform was preferable, but also his achievements and services to the Motherland, which were constantly highlighted during meetings with voters across the country, looked more solid than his rival's.

So, being at the top of power in 2000-2008, he initiated the construction of the "Millennium Road", the adoption of the "Comprehensive National Development Program until 2021", with him 250 thousand primary school students began to receive hot breakfasts daily at public expense, the implementation of the program "Every student has a computer" began, and most importantly-he achieved write-offs of 98% of Mongolia's $11 billion debt. for Soviet loans and concluded agreements with foreign countries that brought the country $1 billion. capital investment 15.

C. Elbegdorj boasted to the voters of many aimags, which he also visited, that during his premiership the country's budget was profitable for the first time and that he revived vocational education in the country, putting a scholarship to students in 45 thousand tugriks and opening 50 new schools, and that it was he who started the fight against corruption..

STORMY ELECTIONS AND A QUIET ENDING

Despite repeated calls for fair and just elections, the struggle, according to the Mongolian media, unfolded and took place in an atmosphere of mutual attacks and reproaches, the election headquarters of both parties did not disdain any means to discredit the opponent.

For example, the MPRP was forced to issue an official rebuttal to widespread rumors about Enkhbayar's billions in a Swiss bank: "The Central Election Headquarters of the Democratic Party is not only engaged in slanderous attacks against our candidate and his family, but also grossly encroaches on the reputation of the current head of state... So, on the website news.mn it was reported that the remaining savings of President Enkhbayar and his wife O. Tsolmon in the Swiss bank Credit Swiss reached $1.3 billion, i.e. exceed

page 50

the annual state budget of Mongolia, which is an unfounded slander that was spread in an organized manner by the electoral headquarters of the Democratic Party"17.

The electoral headquarters of the Democratic Party categorically stated that it had nothing to do with these rumors and, in turn, accused the MPRP of slandering Ts. Elbegdorj, who allegedly received donations of 1.5 million South Korean won from South Koreans, which the South Korean authorities denied at the request of the Democratic Party. Moreover, the chairman of the PD and its electoral headquarters, Deputy Prime Minister Altankhuyag, who spoke at the briefing, noted with indignation:: "During the pre-election race of our candidate Ts. Elbegdorj was insulted with various words and even mocked at his height and build. And now attempts are being made on his nationality, pedigree, origin." Altankhuyag was referring to the" slanderous " statements of the MPRP representatives that Zakhchin* Ts. Elbegdorj is originally from China 18.

Although the election campaign was rife with populism, public relations, slander, and other negative things, the May 21, 2009 TV debates of the candidates on the Mongolian National Public Radio and Television channel, which were broadcast throughout the country, were calm and without violent emotions.

During the telecast, the candidates took turns answering 30 questions prepared by the special commission, and thus once again outlined their positions on key issues, such as the state of the economy, the issuance of land licenses, the distribution of power, attitude to the events of July 1, 2008, etc.

Contrary to expectations, N. Enkhbayar, as the press wrote, "was noticeably better than his competitor. He answered all the questions clearly and coherently, " while Elbegdorj "answered some questions at random, unsuccessfully, going far away from the topic."

Nevertheless, the forecasts of both Mongolian and Russian analysts who predicted the success of Enkhbayaru turned out to be wrong. A half-day working visit to Ulaanbaatar on May 13, 2009 by Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin did not help either. Putin is in the midst of an election campaign.

It seems that a number of factors contributed to the DP's victory. The main one is the common desire of the Mongolian society and people for changes, hopes for improving the standard of living, reducing the gap between rich and poor, and achieving social justice. Elbegdorj hit the nail on the head by making justice his campaign's motto, while Enkhbayar focused mainly on the rule of law. Of course, the DP candidate's promises to increase child subsidies, allocate 2.5 million tugriks to each citizen, make the people the real owner of mountain resources, etc. also played a role.

Some Mongolian analysts argue that an important, if not decisive, factor was the moral, and possibly material, support for Elbegdorj from Western organizations working in Mongolia.

As a result, during the election campaign, the rating of Ts. Elbegdorj's rating rose, while N. Enkhbayar's rating, which was initially very high, steadily declined. It seems that the general public has never been able to forgive N. Enkhbayar for the introduction of the state of emergency on July 2, 2008, the death of 5 people and the arrest of 200 participants in mass riots, mostly young people and teenagers, some of whom were still in prison during the elections.

562,459 voters voted for Elbegdorj, i.e. 51.24% of the 1,083,264 people who took part in the voting (the turnout was 73.52%). Enkhbayar received 520,805 votes, or 47.41%19.

According to local and 50 foreign observers, including Russian ones, " the procedures and organization of the elections were in accordance with national legislation and were conducted within the framework of generally recognized international electoral standards. Any deviations or comments that allow us to talk about


* The Zakhchins are a Mongolian people in the west of the country.

page 51

that the results do not correspond to the will of the people, we do not have " 20.

It is significant that Enkhbayar admitted his defeat even before the Central Election Committee announced the preliminary election results, and on May 25, 2009, at a press conference, he officially expressed his respect for the results of the vote count, congratulated Elbegdorj and wished him to embody the unity of the nation and cooperate with the parliament and the government.

On the same day, on the central square named after him. Sukhbaatar Elbegdorj, along with his Democratic Party colleagues and allies-the leaders of the Civic Will Party and the Green Party, who supported him in the elections - celebrated his election and proclaimed from the rostrum of a crowded rally: "On this sunny day, the Mongolian people, Mongolian democracy and justice have won a long - awaited victory. The Mongols chose freedom and a better life." He thanked the MPRP candidate and wished him success in his future work21.

On June 5, 2009, at the plenary session of the Supreme State Council , the highest state authority in the country, on the report of the CEC Chairman, S. V. Shishkin. Luvsanzhantsana Elbegdorj's credentials as President of Mongolia were unanimously recognized, and he was inaugurated on June 18. Thus, the actual presidential elections on May 24 and Elbegdorj's accession to the post of president were held calmly.

FIRST RESULTS

In the political life of Mongolia after the accession of Ts. The biggest events were the voluntary resignation of Prime Minister S. Bayar for health reasons in November 2009 and the quick election of MPRP member S. Batbold, who had previously served as Minister of External Relations, just 2 days later.

The fact that the resignation of the prime minister did not lead to the resignation or reorganization of the coalition cabinet, in which the MPRP has more ministerial posts than the Democratic Party (8 against 6), and that the MPRP representative again became the prime minister, indicates the desire of the Democratic president to maintain the existing balance of power and continue to interact with the Prime Minister and It also belongs to the MPRP.

Thus, the relations of the Democratic Party and its president with the MPRP and its Prime Minister remain consistent, and the government is still working smoothly and successfully.

A striking indicator of the consolidation of political forces was the solemn celebration on December 10, 2009 in Ulaanbaatar and throughout the country of the 20th anniversary of the beginning of the democratic movement in Mongolia (1989-early 1990), which led to the fall of the pro-communist regime. President Elbegdorj, Prime Minister Batbold, members of the Government, parliamentarians, leaders of the Democratic Party, MPRP and other parties took an active part in the celebrations in the capital.

Elbegdorj set a course to overcome the ongoing economic crisis and ensure the effective work of the coalition government, to consolidate all political forces in the country.

The state budget for 2010, which is optimal for the crisis conditions, was drawn up and adopted on time, providing for a reduction of state expenditures by 200.6 billion tugriks and the budget deficit by 31.5 billion tugriks22.

In order to provide state support to small and medium-sized businesses, the authorities have started organizing appropriate state support centers in each aimag. They have already opened in Kobdo, Gobialtai, Bayan-Khongor and Khentei aimags. It is planned to use them to create 300 enterprises for processing livestock products in the country. 178.5 billion rubles were allocated for this case. tugrikov on 3 - 5 billion. to the aimag.

Together with the International Monetary Fund, a program was developed and agreed upon to stabilize the overall economic situation in the country, designed for 18 months. It is aimed at making Mongolia's economic situation more stable, protecting vulnerable segments of the population, and improving the social protection system. Its core is to balance the 2010 budget by reducing expenditures. Under the program, Mongolia will be granted a concessional loan of $224 million, of which $100 million has already been received by the end of 2009.23

But Elbegdorj's biggest economic achievement in Mongolia is the long-awaited signing in October 2009 of an investment agreement with the Canadian company Ivanhoe Mines and the Anglo-Australian Rio Tinto for the development of a large copper and gold deposit Oyun-Tolgoi in the South Gobi aimag.

According to the Mongolian press, this is "the largest project in the mining industry in the last 20 years." The already proven reserves of the Oyun-Tolgoi deposit amount to 81 thousand tons of copper, 1,800 tons of gold and more than 5,100 tons of silver, and by 2018 the processing plant's capacity should reach 55 tons of silver per year.

As an advance payment for the right to develop the Mongolia field already in October 2009.-

page 52

chila received $100 million and is expected to receive another $150 million in the next 2 years. Of this money, the government intends to distribute 50 thousand rubles each. tugriks to every citizen of Mongolia in order to improve the civil registration system during the planned implementation of the updated census 24.

FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES: RUSSIA AND CHINA

During the stay of the Ca. Dubbed a "pro-Western politician" by many in the country, Elbegdorj's tenure as Mongolia's president dispelled initial fears that coming to power would lead to undesirable changes in Mongolian-Russian relations.

However, as reality has shown, such concerns, in general, were in vain.

In the external sphere of Ts. Elbegdorj continues its multi-vector policy of strengthening and developing constructive relations with almost 150 countries and actively participating in 48 international organizations. In September 2009, the President of the MNR paid a state visit to India, and a few days later in New York, he chaired a round table meeting held within the framework of the UN Climate Change Conference.

Apparently, Elbegdorj remains committed to Mongolia's multi-vector foreign policy, recognizing the priority of relations with its neighbors-Russia and China.

In August 2009, the Head of the Mongolian state received Russian President Dmitry Medvedev. Medvedev, who paid a state visit to Mongolia at his invitation. A Declaration on the development of strategic partnership between our states and a number of important interagency agreements were signed.

The Declaration stated that "the parties are mutually satisfied with the current state of Russian-Mongolian relations, which are developing successfully..." 25.

Both presidents took an active part in the celebrations dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the joint victory on the Khalkhin-Gol River.

The nationwide celebration of this date is evidence that the leadership and public of Mongolia cherish the memory of the military community of our countries, of the exploits of Russian soldiers on Mongolian soil.

Ts is expected to visit in spring 2010. Elbegdorj to Russia.

In September 2009, Chairman of the Federation Council of Russia Sergey Mironov paid a working visit to Mongolia, and in October 2009 Ulaanbaatar hosted President of Russian Railways V. Yakunin.

All these visits are evidence of an active political dialogue between Russia and the new President of Mongolia.

Russian-Mongolian economic cooperation has also received a new impetus to development. Thus, two new Russian-Mongolian joint ventures and associations that have been operating for many years - Erdenet, Mongolrostsvetmet, Ulaanbaatar Railway (UBZhD)-have been added: Dornod Uran for joint uranium mining in eastern Mongolia and Infrastructure Development for the modernization of UBZhD and the development of the railway network in eastern Mongolia. Mongolia. As part of the implementation of the latter agreement, Russia has already supplied Mongolia with 1,000 gondola trucks* and some spare parts for the UBZhD, and in 2010 it intends to deliver 20 locomotives. 26 On October 15, 2009, V. Yakunin and the Minister of Roads, Transport, Construction and Urban Development, H. Battulga signed a memorandum on the construction of the Zuun-Bayan - Dalandzadagad railway, i.e. practically from the Trans-Mongolian Railway (UBZhD) to the richest coking coal deposit Tavan-Tolgoi 27.

The implementation of a $300 million loan from Russia's Rosselkhozbank for the development of Mongolia's agriculture and the implementation of the virgin land recovery program "Tselina-3" has begun.

All this opens up new directions and areas of mutually beneficial cooperation between Russia and Mongolia, in the development of which, by all indications, the new head of the Mongolian state is also interested.

Of course, he is guided by pragmatic considerations of economic benefit, as well as when concluding a long-awaited investment agreement with the Canadian company Ivan Howe Mines and the Anglo-Australian Rio Tinto for the development of a large copper and gold deposit Ouyun-Tolgoi in the South Gobi aimag.

* * *

To date, both in foreign and domestic politics, Elbegdorj, in our opinion, has shown himself not as a "pro-Western", but as a purely" pro-Mongolian " statesman, concerned with the political and economic interests of the country and the preservation of political stability in it.


1 Mongolia today, 05.06.09.

2 Ардын Эрх, 06.04.2009.

3 MONZAME, 03.04.2009.

4 Ардын Эрх, 09.04.2009.

5 Ундэсний шуудан, 08.04.2009.

6 Ундэсний шуудан, 07.04.2009.

7 MONZAME, 08.04.2009. Unen, 09.04.2009.

Rossabi Morris. 8 Modern Mongolia. From Khans to Commissars to Capitalists. Berkeley-Los-Angeles-London. 2005, p. 14.

9 Mongolia today, 16.04.2009.

10 Ibid.

11 Зууны Мэдээ, 15.04.2009.

12 Unen, 17.04.2009.

13 Onodore, 22.04.2009.

14 Mongolia today, 25.05.2009.

15 Mongolia today, 16.05.2009.

16 Mongolia today, 11.05 and 23.05.2009.

17 Mongolia today, 23.05.2009.

18 Ibid.

19 Mongolia today, 01.06.2009.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

22 MONZAME, 19.10.2009.

23 MONZAME, 10.10.2009.

24 Mongolia today, 22.10.2009.

25 MONZAME, 25.08.2009.

26 www.Mongoliasegodnya.mn/prints.bp

27 Mongolia today, 26.10.2009.

* Gondola car - a cargo car without a roof with high sides, designed for the transportation of bulk cargo (ore, coal, etc.) (editor's note).


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