ANOTHER LOOK AT EVENTS IN THE ARAB COUNTRIES

N. Z. FAKHRUTDINOVA

Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences

Key words: democratic freedoms, Islam, political culture, civil society

The Arabs have a wonderful proverb: the bush bloomed, but spring did not come. It is used in cases when something that has long been dreamed of and hoped for is not being realized. The so-called "Arab Spring", which was supposed to raise the economy and the standard of living of Arabs, did not bring the expected results. To understand this,it is necessary, in my opinion, to focus on the characteristics of the political culture of the Arabs.

It is well known that the direct organizer and one of the most active participants of the "revolutions", "days of anger", marches for change and democracy, as the series of overthrows of Arab heads of state is called in the world press, was the "Internet youth". However, the result of her triumph was taken advantage of everywhere by other forces. It is not without reason that the term "stolen revolution"is increasingly used in the political lexicon of the Arabs. Some observers predicted the decline of political Islam, noted "an important trend - the decline of its role", the rejection of" Arab revolutions " from clerical ideas.¹

However, in Egypt, in Libya, and in the most secular of the Arab countries, Tunisia, there is a revival of Islamic parties and movements and even their coming to power.

"FAKE DEMOCRACIES" - NEW DEMOCRACIES?

In an interview with ITAR-TASS, retired General Michel Aoun*, who headed the new parliamentary majority in Lebanon in January 2011, noted that events in the Middle East are natural and will not lead to serious destabilization. In his opinion, there is a normal process of maturation of civil societies. The masses of the people who have taken the stage will sweep away the "fake democracies" that will be replaced by elected governments. M. Aoun explained the phenomenon of Islamic movements as "a property of human nature": in the conditions of totalitarianism, the population turns to religion.²

The " fake democracies "were removed, but the" new democracies " were not built. The Islamic factor remained undervalued. In the elections to the Egyptian parliament, Islamists won a crushing victory. The Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party (PSS) won about 44% of the seats, well ahead of the conservative Salafi Nur Party and the liberal Wafd**.

The results of the first free elections in Tunisia were also unexpected. The Islamist Ennahda party won a crushing victory, gaining more than 40% of the vote. It should be noted that Tunisia is one of the most Europeanized Arab countries. However, its leader Rashid Ghannouchi says that in his understanding Islam does not contradict democratic principles, and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan stressed during a visit to Tunisia that democracy and Islam are not mutually exclusive concepts.

The turbulent situation in the Arab world also forces moderate leaders to take preventive measures. Thus, for the first time in the history of the Hashemite Dynasty, King Abdullah II of Jordan sat down at the negotiating table with the Islamic Action Front ( FID), the political wing of the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood. Under pressure from the opposition, the King lifted the ban on holding unauthorized protests in February 2011. FID Secretary General Hamza Mansour called the government's decision "a step in the right direction."

WHAT IS ISLAM FOR ARABS?

Why do the Arabs keep coming back to the Islamic ideology? It would seem that they were fighting for the democratization of public life, building a civil society, modern changes in the economy, and updating the country's leadership, but there is no modern ideology that can inspire the masses to achieve these goals.

In order to raise people to revolt, revolt, it is enough-

* Leader of the Free Patriotic Movement and the Christian community of Lebanon.

** See also: Vasiliev A.M. Egypt after the elections / / Asia and Africa today. 2012, N 4.

but use people's discontent with their position and their hatred of elderly leaders. To lead the country, you need ideas, and the current leaders do not have them.

To any new opinion, a new trend, the Arabs approach, first of all, from the position of religion. At the same time, as the Egyptian researcher Mohammed Al-Nowaihi aptly noted, they "do not ask themselves whether this opinion is right or wrong in itself, whether this current is useful or harmful, but are interested in whether it corresponds to religion or contradicts it."³. This is the peculiarity of political culture in the Arab countries: the dominance of the religious worldview in the public consciousness of the population.

It should be emphasized that Islam among Muslims is not just a religion: it forms the social order, has an impact on legal proceedings, education.

The masses of the people, especially young people, are looking for a way out of the difficult socio-economic situation in religion. At the same time, the ruling regimes, opposition parties and movements, non-governmental organizations and even trade unions consider it as the most effective means of involving the population in public life, since the political slogans sanctified by religion are closer and more understandable to the masses. Often it was Islam that became the banner of the struggle for a better life. In this regard, it should be noted that the concept of political religion is attributed to the former director of the Institute of International Relations at the University of California, David Apter, who saw it as one of the fundamental characteristics of political systems.⁴

According to Professor A. Malashenko of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO), unlike Islam, fundamentalist manifestations in other religions are limited in time and space. In some cases, they are constrained by the secularist nature of society; in others, they are confined to particular national or regional issues. "And only Islamism has turned out to be a geocultural and geopolitical phenomenon that integrates into the Muslim community, influencing not only its internal consciousness, but also its relations with the rest of the world."⁵

The image of a religious alternative is present in all Arab countries as a hope, a dream. Even the processes of democratization in these countries are being conducted against the background of the Islamization of political life. According to the figurative expression of a well-known expert on the modern history of the Arab countries of North Africa, M. Sergeev, "every political action becomes religiously colored, and everything that has to do with religion takes on a political connotation."⁶

Even many non-governmental religious organizations, founded as purely religious and spiritual, later became political. Thus, in 1970, the Association for the Preservation of the Qur'an (Jamiya Tahfiz al-Qur'an) was established in Tunis, which enjoyed the support of the New Deal leaders. According to the statements of its founders, the association set itself cultural and educational goals. However, its activities soon acquired a pronounced political character, and the country's public began to compare it with the Muslim Brotherhood movement.

In the early years of the 1970s, a "very simple, almost imperceptible"⁷ religious movement emerged in the country, inspired by preachers and publicists such as teacher Rashid Ghannouchi and lawyer Abdelfattah Murou. At first, this movement was limited to lectures in mosques, cultural and educational activities. In the late 1970s, it became known as the Islamic Movement (Al-Ittijah al-Islamiyah). Even during the period of its formation, a Progressive Islamic trend broke away from it (PIN-Al-Ittijah al-Islamiy at-taqaddumiy). The IDU considered that the problem of citizens is not to pray or not to pray, but to pray in the presence of rights and fundamental freedoms.

In this regard, such a historical fact is interesting. The Muslim Brotherhood, an Egyptian Islamic political organization known for its activity and well - structured, with branches not only in Arab countries, is outlawed in many countries and has grown out of the Muslim Boy Scouts.

Hata al-Banna (1906-1949), the founder of the organization, turned to the use of Scouting in the early 1930s. He saw the Muslim Scouts as an association that could take on such functions as physical and combat training, guarding Muslim Brotherhood gatherings, spreading the association's influence in Egypt through charitable activities and participating in socially significant causes - fighting illiteracy, providing medical care during epidemics of cholera and malaria The use of the scout movement was one of the first organizational forms that gradually transformed a simple religious association, such as there were many in Egypt, into a powerful political force.

In countries that have tried pluralistic democracies, Islamic fundamentalists have taken advantage of greater freedom of expression and elections to strengthen their political influence and compete with the authorities. For example, in Sudan, the flirtation of President Jafar Nimeiri (head of Sudan in 1969-1985, died in 2009) with Islamists contributed to the strengthening of the religious phenomenon and led to the creation of the first Islamic state in Africa. And the attempt of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat (1970-1981) to sacralize his policies led to a resurgence of religious extremism in the relatively secular state. For this, in fact, he paid with his life. (A. Sadat was killed by Islamic fundamentalist terrorists in October 1981 during a military parade on the occasion of another anniversary of the victory, as it was believed in Egypt, in

the 1973 Arab-Israeli War)

Many Arab leaders are trying to curb this phenomenon by resorting to various means: using the army (Algeria); creating a split between organizations, as was the case in Morocco with the Association of Islamic Youth and the Al-Adl Wal-Ihsan (Justice and Piety) party; trying to cooperate with Islamists or, on the contrary, their delegitimization (Egypt, Sudan, Libya, etc.); the policy of "controlled Islam" (Tunisia, Morocco).

In Tunisia, for example, it was relatively quiet before the famous events. Many Western observers explained this by the fact that after independence, the country pursued a secular state course, which largely determined the level of political culture of its citizens. Almost universal literacy was achieved, and bilingual: Arabic and French. Educated Tunisians who read the Koran in its original form find it harder to pass off extremist ideas as dogmatic ones.

Religious organizations that are outside politics teach the basics of authentic Islam, publish books for children, and do charity work. They are numerous in almost all Arab countries, which proves the possibility of co-existence of religious associations within the framework of civil society. This aspect is of great importance in the context of the relative failure of the ideas of pan-Arabism, nationalism and, especially, Arab socialism.

Heydar Dzhemal, a well-known Russian expert in the field of political Islam and Islamic philosophy, believes that in the history of Arab countries, Islam appears as a civil society in the absolute sense. The community of the Prophet Muhammad in Medina, in his opinion, was not a state, but "a self-organizing, self-governing brotherhood, over which there was only the authority and will of Allah, transmitted through his Messenger." ⁸ G. Jemal introduces the term "self-sufficient community", which is always based, even in modern society, on the moral imperative. For a Muslim, such an imperative, in his opinion, is not to allow himself to be deprived of the status of an instrument of divine providence, i.e., not to be deprived of historical responsibility. But it is precisely in the diversity of the network structure of non-governmental organizations that civil society is realized as a collective subject that ultimately determines the historical and civilizational course. "However," as A. Malashenko rightly notes, "the voice of professional theologians is now secondary." ⁹ This is echoed by Mark Sedgwick, a lecturer at the American University in Cairo: "The most important creators of religious knowledge among Sunni Arabs are the mass media, the State, and perhaps the Ulama are among them." ¹⁰

G. Jemal is convinced that after Marxism there is only one universal internationalist approach to world problems: Islamic civilization. He quotes the Qur'anic injunction to Muslims: "Obey Allah, obey the Messenger and those who hold authority among yourselves" (4: 59). The key point, in his opinion, is "of yourself" ¹¹.

Modern theologians, who support the cooperation of religion with "civil society", believe that Islam is a social-forming religion. In Islam, the social structure and its basic legal provisions are regulated already at the level of Divine Revelation. That is, they are not a consequence of the desire of individuals to organize their social life and the result of the development and coordination of social and legal concepts, but an imperative that obliges them to create a society based on the principles of Islam and rejects all other forms. At the same time, when answering the question about the possibility of participation of Muslims in civil society institutions, modern theologians come to a variety of conclusions - from the inevitability of a conflict between classical Islam (especially represented in its political forms) and civil society to the feasibility of their peaceful interaction.

Speaking about the role of Islam in the development of civil society in Arab countries, I would like to quote the words of former UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali: "For poor countries that do not have sufficient economic, technological and military power, ideology is its substitute. Ideology provides them with an explanation for their underdevelopment, tools for international relations, levers in world politics, and a dream of the future. Without such a dream, the life of the poor would be unbearable. " ¹²

Islam has become such an ideology, a kind of national idea that can unite citizens to solve the problems facing their countries. Religion in Arab countries is the basis of the political culture of citizens. The emotional attitude of the population to their religion is also of great importance. Islam for the Arabs is not just a religion, but a symbol of former power.

FEATURES OF ARAB POLITICAL CULTURE

The peculiarity of the political culture of the Arabs, along with the predominance of a religious worldview in the public consciousness of the population, is manifested, in particular, in the veneration of the leader. Leadership is part of their political priorities. In most cases, a charismatic leader appears at a critical time in the development of society. Charism has a historical tradition in Arab society ¹³. It can manifest itself in the image of both a party leader and a religious figure (Hassan Al-Turabi in Sudan). Many processes taking place in these countries depend on the will and authority of a charismatic leader who enjoys broad and comprehensive support from the masses. In this case, it is not so much institutional and legal legitimacy that is essential, but rather the enthusiasm and trust of citizens.

Now there is no such person, such a leader, capable of accumulating the current revolutionary mood, releasing the huge energy of the masses and directing them to the benefit of the peoples of the Arab countries. And where does it come from? From the online community? For Arabs, a charismatic leader, a true tribune, a true fighter, a diplomat and, probably, a revolutionary is important.

Charismatic leaders like H. A. Nasser (Egypt), Hassan II (Morocco), and H. Bourguiba (Tunisia) have long been part of the common Arab history. In part, such a leader is Abdel Aziz Bouteflika in Algeria. Perhaps that is why he has so far avoided the fate of North African presidents.

In this regard, it is impossible not to recall a controversial, but certainly a bright personality - M. Gaddafi. What has the Libyan opposition achieved? Now there is a "war of all against all"going on in Libya. Oil and gas fields are protected by international forces. No one cares about the population of the country, about human rights and freedoms. The West is now targeting Syria. Now Bashar al-Assad is a "bloody tyrant" who kills his own people. And although the Syrian president made significant concessions - the new constitution abolished the dominant role of the Ba'ath party, introduced multiparty system, and discussed the introduction of the opposition into administrative structures-he still does not suit the West. Recall that Gaddafi also refused to implement the nuclear program in his country in order to please the international community.

A situation is created, like in chess-zugzwang*, when the legitimate president can do nothing in case of unrest: whatever you do , everything is bad; you call the hooligan elements to order , you are a tyrant; you do nothing , you are a weak ruler.

According to Arab and Western observers, Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi, the leader of the European Council for Research and Fatwas and the International Council of Islamic Scholars, became a kind of ideological inspirer of events in the Middle East. He performs on the Qatari satellite TV channel Al Jazeera, which has a huge audience, and on popular Islamic Internet sites. He called on the Egyptian police not to shoot at demonstrators, and Hosni Mubarak to resign.

In his book Sharia Law, published in 2009, the Sheikh wrote: "The laws of Islam teach us to resist tyrants, any oppression of people by rulers is reprehensible and forbidden, and jihad must be waged against them... One type of jihad is jihad against evil and corruption among Muslims... The Prophet Muhammad exalted this jihad and considered it the best kind of jihad. " ¹⁴

Sheikh al-Qaradawi forbade Libyan soldiers to shoot at the opposition, but did not say anything to the armed opposition about the soldiers; he also called on Arab leaders to recognize the Libyan opposition as a legitimate authority,and anyone who has the opportunity to shoot Gaddafi.

In our opinion, a national leader, and especially a religious figure, should put the moral imperative at the forefront of his policy, and not call for mass murder. What has Libya now become thanks to the appeals of Y. al-Qaradawi? All ruins and blood.

Let's not talk about the standard of living of Libyans during the Gaddafi era and state subsidies to the citizens of the Jamahiriya - this is well known, and already in the past. However, the level of development of medical services is worthy of mention. One of the TV reports directed against Gaddafi showed a provincial clinic where "victims of the bloody dictator" were brought. But what a clinic it was! Five (!) artificial kidney machines. There is no such thing in Moscow. What were the Libyans dissatisfied with? And were they unhappy? Where is this opposition, about which so much has been written and shown on TV?

The head of the Transitional National Council (TNC) of Libya, Mustafa Abdel Jalil, the most educated person from the Libyan elite, an opponent of violence, humiliation of the individual and restriction of freedoms, always looked like a stranger among his colleagues. Now, when everyone is fighting against everyone in this country, one person can hardly change anything.

The importance of a strong personality as a stimulating factor for the development of civil society in Arab countries is particularly high today. If there is a national leader, the so-called "democratization from above", "metered democracy" becomes possible. Thus, the processes of democratization of Moroccan society back in the 80s-90s of the XX century. They were directed by King Hassan II and had a manageable character. His words are remarkable:"...a democracy that is desired by all, in order to take root and succeed, must be administered in carefully studied doses. " ¹⁵

Or maybe he's right? If you want everything at once, the country can be "pushed back" for many years. Zbigniew Brzezinski, a former national security adviser to US President Carter, believes that "democracy is a complex process that takes a long time to develop", and for the time being, Arab countries are "characterized by social and economic frustration" ^.16 The experienced politician recommended that the West respect the desire of these countries for national dignity and independence. overcoming the last remnants of colonialism.

The problem of leadership in Arab countries is now extremely acute. Disinterested revolutionaries have sunk into oblivion. Self-serving interests are becoming the main focus of the current "fighters" against the ruling regimes. Did the Libyan or Syrian rebels think about their homeland? And the Darfur warlords? How many times have they disrupted peace talks with the Sudanese Government to get their piece of the pie?

* German Zugzmang (zug - move, zwang - compulsion) - the arrangement of pieces and pawns in a chess game, in which the need to make another move leads to material losses or to the immediate termination of the game. (See: Short Dictionary of Foreign Words, Moscow, 1971, p. 354.)

A true leader acts in the interests of his country: you need to adjust the course, learn to express your disagreement, conduct a dialogue with the authorities, so that the economy does not stop, blood is not spilled. Arabic wisdom teaches that 10 years with a bad ruler is ultimately better than one night of anarchy and chaos.

THE RATIO OF THE GENERAL AND PERSONAL AMONG ARABS

Another feature of political culture in Arab countries is the fact that individualism, which is the basis of civil society in Western countries, is to some extent alien to Arabs. The Arab countries have a deep sense of the common destiny of their peoples. The words of the Egyptian Boutros-Ghali are remarkable: "When we see a Palestinian brother living under the fifth occupation, we all feel like Palestinians whose rights have been violated, we feel anger and bitterness at the loss of our homeland. After all, the Arab world is a single whole. The Arabs still feel the loss of Andalusia"¹⁷.

Arabs recognize themselves as part of two major communities: a common Arab culture and history, on the one hand, and a huge Muslim Ummah, on the other. And until 2011, this was true. But what is happening now?

The mouthpiece of the Arab world, the Al-Jazeera satellite TV channel, which has always stood guard over the interests of all Arabs, provides one-sided, clearly biased information, the authenticity of which is often questionable. And the position of the Arab League? Its members "hand over" one leader after another to the West. With the Arab League's tacit consent, Sudan collapsed before our eyes. Morocco is preparing anti-Syrian resolutions at the UN.

What happened to the Arabs? Of course, they always had disagreements. But there was no such thing as obstruction of the leaders of sovereign States in the international arena. Obviously, you have to pay such a price for the opportunity not to be the next in a line of deposed rulers.

And yet, to a certain extent, the general is closer to the personal to the Arab. In addition,"Sharia law is based on the idea of obligations imposed on a person, and not on the rights that he can have" ¹⁸. An individual in Islam acts as a carrier of subjective rights, primarily in the sphere of family, property and other areas of private interest. In other social spheres, he acts, as a rule, as a carrier of duties towards God, the Arab world, the Islamic Ummah, etc. In other words, the relationship between individual freedoms and individual responsibilities is somewhat different in the Arab world than in the Western one.

However, in the modern world, respect for human rights is becoming a criterion for the civility of countries. And the Arabs, trying to keep up with the times, also develop their own documents. There is a certain international standard in this area, which is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, as well as the Covenants on Social, Economic, Political and Cultural Rights of 1966.Arab documents of a similar nature are represented by the Arab Covenant on Human Rights, the Universal Islamic Declaration of Human Rights, as well as the Draft Islamic Constitution. An analysis of these acts, from the point of view of the influence of Islam on them, shows that the Muslim form is used only as a means of consolidating the rights and freedoms contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other UN human rights instruments. There are many relevant organizations in Arab countries, such as the Tunisian League for the Protection of Human Rights, the Moroccan Advisory Council for Human Rights, etc. ¹⁹

ARAB "CIVIC SPIRIT"

Some Western political scientists, questioning the possibility of the formation of civil society in Arab countries, point to the lack of development of the Arab "civic spirit".

Recent events have proven otherwise. Many facts, including the abundance of non-governmental organizations, associations, societies established in Arab countries, also indicate that this opinion is unfounded. The Arabs actively created various existing associations: for the protection of human rights, unions of lawyers, teachers, journalists, students, national unions of artists and cultural figures, architects, researchers and even the unemployed.

Almost every country has associations of university graduates. However, some of them, such as the Cairo University Alumni Association or Al-Azhar University, also have branches in Tropical Africa. An interesting fact is the existence of organizations of graduates of Russian universities. In Tunisia, for example, such an organization was established in 1989. At a meeting of graduates of Russian universities held in Sousse in March 2007, they stressed their readiness to contribute in every possible way to strengthening ties with Russia, primarily economic ones.

Increasing the civic position of the population contributes to the creation of organizations of a socio-economic nature, such as the National Fund for Solidarity of Tunisians, which stands for greater humanity in public relations and for helping the poorest strata of the population.²⁰ In Morocco, the Anti-Corruption Association operates as the national branch of Transparency International. Similar examples can be found for each country in the Arab region of Africa.

Understanding the need for change has become a sign of the modern development of the Arab world. Tunisians were the first to show the power of the new "weapons" - Facebook and Twitter-in the fight against tyranny. Denouncers of the lies, despotism, and immeasurable corruption of the ruling elite lit the spark that ignited the flame. Now we need a force that will direct this energy in the right direction: development

economy, building a civil society.

The sea of blood in Arab countries, the colossal number of innocent victims can hardly be called the "Arab Spring", most likely-this is Arab madness and Western state terrorism.

It wasn't just the Arabs who were shocked by what happened. Indeed, the socio-political and economic situation in these countries required changes, but to a much lesser extent than in many other countries. All the talk about the difficult demographic situation, growth rates, corruption, etc. is nothing more than an attempt to explain the situation, but they do not clarify anything. The Arabs themselves have spoken of the need for reform. Why push them? Any doubts about outside interference?

In 1997, the Berkman Center for Internet and Society was established in the United States at Harvard University, and later Global Voices and the Blogger Corps were created. In recent years, the Center has worked on two projects:: "Civil law in the field of information "(support for those involved in online media and the protection of freedom of speech on the Internet) and "Internet and Democracy". The main object of research and practical actions of the last project was the Middle East. We have seen the consequences of such "global voices" and "blogger corps" in Tunisia and Egypt. But the information of General Wesley Clark, who in 1997-2000 headed the joint forces of Europe in NATO, is frightening. He claims that during the bombing of Afghanistan, the Pentagon was already planning a war with Iraq, moreover, in the memo of the Minister of Defense, 6 more countries were listed against which military actions are planned.: Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Iran ²². Who's next?

Nevertheless, I would like to believe that economic success, if it follows possible economic and political reforms, will create a different political climate in the Arab countries. Feelings of belonging to the success of their homeland form a more active civic position, a kind of" civic spirit", in the absence of which the Arabs are reproached. This fact releases the energy of the masses, liberates them, and encourages citizens to express their will more actively and freely, to communicate with like-minded people, and then to defend their positions within a party or non-governmental organization.

It is clear that the Arab world is long overdue for reforms in all dimensions: political, economic, social and cultural. In discussions at international and regional forums, many representatives of Arab" civil societies "have stressed that the truth about reforms is that they will not produce a sustainable result if a" social contract "is not concluded between the ruling elite and the"street" it controls.

According to the staff of the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies( CIHRS), in the conditions of the experienced lack of freedom, when the free expression of the will of citizens is significantly limited, such social contracts can turn out to be profanity if the will of the elite is imposed on the unfortunate philistine. In fact, many Arab regimes have consistently pursued their own interests. Their media outlets were equally consistent in misleading people and feeding them lies. In such a situation, one should not be surprised: the Arab regimes that failed to offer a convincing and worthy concept of the future development of their countries have fallen.

Modernization in the Arab countries is inevitable. But this should not be Westernization imposed by force, but economic and social progress, the formation of a modern socially oriented economy and civil society, the enrichment of Arab-Muslim states with the best achievements of world civilization, while preserving their originality and using the vast spiritual and material wealth.

Today, many non-governmental organizations have been established in North Africa, there is a multiparty system, democratic elections are held, etc., but it is too early to talk about the existence of a full-fledged civil society.

The formation of civil society in Arab countries is a long process. But the establishment of such a society, or even approaches to it, will be a factor of stabilization, a force that will bring the understanding of achieving harmony and tolerance that the Arabs need so much.

¹ See, for example: Ignatenko A. Zakat politicheskogo islama [The Decline of Political Islam]. 16.02.2011.

² Compass. 2011, N 7. P. 9.

³ fil-fikr ad-diniy (To the revolution in religious thought). Beirut, 1970. p. 3.

^{Apter D.E.} 4 The Politics of Modernization. Chicago. 1965. P. 3.

^{Malashenko A.} 5 Islamic Alternative and Islamist project, Moscow, 2006, pp. 65-66.

^{Sergeev M. S.} 6 History of Morocco. XX century. Moscow, 2001, p. 203.

^{Ignatenko A.} 7 Khalifi bez khalifata [Caliphs without a caliphate], Moscow, 1988, p. 51.

^{Dzhemal G.} 8 Kontrudar. M .. 2005.

^{Malashenko A.} 9 Decree. Op. p. 75.

^{Sedgwick M.} 10 Is there a church in Islam? // ISIM Newsletter. 2003. December, 13. P. 40.

^{Jemal G.} 11 Liberation of Islam, Moscow, Umma Publ., 2004.

^{Boutros-Ghali B.} 12 The Path of Egypt to Jerusalem, Moscow, 1999, p. 83.

¹³ Africa: Features of Political Culture, Moscow, 1999.

¹⁴ Cit. by: Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 16.03.2011.

^{Sergeev M. S.} 15 Decree. Op. p. 221.

¹⁶ Tages anzeiger. 28.04.2011.

^{Boutros-Ghali B.} 17 Decree. op. P. 37.

^{Aliyan Ali Aref.} 18 Status of a person under Muslim Law, Moscow, 1991, p. 7.

¹⁹ Jeune Afrique. 2006. N 2384. 17 - 23 Septembre. P. 42.

²⁰ Ibid. P. 43.

²¹ www.Transparency international.ru.

²² www.Youtube.com/watchV-OC26X1Xoods

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